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THE GROWTH AND CONTENTS 
OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
In 2022 with funding from 
Princeton Theological Seminary Library 


https://archive.org/details/growthcontentsof0O0kent 


THE GROWTH AND CONTENTS 
OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 


BY 
Peete hae ke Pu.D., Lirr.D. 


WOOLSEY PROFESSOR OF BIBL E AT YALE UNIVERSITY 


NEW YORK 
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS 
1925 


Coryricuat, 1925, By 
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS 


Printed in the United States of America 





FOREWORD 


Tus introduction to the literature of the Old Testament aims to pre- 
sent for the general reader, as well as for the scholar, the picturesque, fasci- 
nating ancient life which produced the great Hebrew classics. It treats of 
the early prophetic story-tellers and their matchless stories which enrich 
the opening books of the Bible, of the oral prophecies of the champions of 
righteousness, of the Psalmists, and of the sages. Each writer, each book, 
and each group of writings stands clearly revealed in its true historical 
setting. The Old Testament becomes a living literature. 

The larger part of this volume has already appeared as the introduction 
to the various published volumes of “The Student’s Old Testament.” The 
new matter is the introduction to the unpublished volume, “Proverbs and 
Didactic Poems.” The proofs of this book were read by the author. He 
intended to write the preface for this volume, but his death prevented the 
realization of that hope. 


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CONTENTS 


THE HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


J. Israru’s HERITAGE OF ORAL TRADITIONS .........ccccccccecces 


Ii. Tue TRANSMISSION AND CRYSTALLIZATION OF IsRAEL’S TRADI- 
THOMA LTO LAL ERAT ORS ok ce is tele er ae ee Te RRR Arai He 5g ole te 


Ul. Tue Present Literary Form AND ContTENTS oF ISRAEL’S EARLY 
PRC DO ele eee Lt as SN CH Ce BOLLE eM RR SLU SS a UE 


TV. Cuaracteristics, Dates, AND History oF THE DirrERENT PRo- 
PHETIC AND Priestuy NARRATIVES.........0-ccccccccccecs 


13 


21 


THE HISTORY OF ISRAEL'S HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL 


NARRATIVES 


I. Tue Oricin AND Present Literary Form or THE Oxtp Trsta- 
MENT HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVES.......... 


Il. Tae Earurer Historres AND BIOGRAPHIES INCORPORATED IN 
SOAR TL CAIN DD SIS ENGI eRe eee gt NR Weak Cte Ek Oy ERA MIN 


TIL. Tar Curonicuer’s Eccurstastican History oF JUDAH AND THE 
PL SERE Tae Le Re Pc LeRNe EMER Ce AMM Tan DNTP MINER ua ie Ite a MOR 


IV. Tae Oritarmnar Sources AND Histrortcan VAaLuE or Ezra- 
DN ESTIMA Tossed bo tee Oe a NCR ae ee key se SN A Rc Ae LOR MNCS 


V. Tue Recorps oF THE MACCABEAN AGE ..........ccccccccccccs 


VI. Tur REcOVERY OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT OF THE HistTortcaL Books 


THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC SERMONS, 
EPISTLES AND APOCALYPSES 


La Tee AUVOUUTION OF THE PROPHET i): ose do ABe eke Ol eee ale 
Il. Tue PrRopuets tn ISRAEL’s EaRLy HISTORY...............-00- 
Il. Tue PrRopHets oF THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD...........-..-2c000- 


tVo7THr PROPHETS OF JUDAH S DECLINE) 2. Oe Ee eee 
Vil 


51 


58 


70 


CONTENTS 


V. Tue PropHets OF THE Exi.k AND RESTORATION ............-- 120 
Vi ‘Taw Proprers or LATER JOnATeis. ee eee 127 
VIL. Tue Historica DEVELOPMENT oF IsRAEL’s MesstAnic IpEAts 135 


VILL. Tur Lirerary Form or THE O_p TESTAMENT PROPHECIES ..... 145 


THE HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S LAWS AND LEGAL PRECEDENTS 


I. Toe Bapytonran BackGrounp oF IsRAEL’s LAWS.............. 159 
Il. Tue Oriermn anD GrowTH oF IsrRanLiTisH LAW...............-. 164 
Tit. Tee Pamrrive Hesrew/ Coppi. oie aos es ee eee ee 172 
IV. THe. DrorpRonomic CODES 7040 0) nec. ook ae ee ee 187 
V. Ezextm AND THE Horiness Cope 0). 20.0, ss ee 192 
VI Tas Prmesthy, Cones} i650 a ete ry olan eee 199 


THE HISTORY OF THE SONGS, HYMNS AND PRAYERS 
J. Tut GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF HEBREW POETRY.......... 207 
Il. Toe Dirrerent Types or HEBREW POETRY.................-- 215 
Ill. THe Structure AND AUTHORSHIP OF THE Book oF LAMENTATIONS 222 
IV. Tue OriciIn AND INTERPRETATION OF THE SONG OF SONGS...... 226 
V. Music anD SONG IN THE TEMPLE SERVICE .........-..-.-0000- 234 
VI. Tue Lirrrary anp HistoricaAL BACKGROUND OF THE PSALTER .. 241 


VII. Tur Structure AND History oF THE PSALTER................ Q49 


THE HISTORY OF THE WISDOM LITERATURE 
J. Tue Work oF Isrart’s WisE MEN or SAGES.........-...----- O55 
If. Tae Lrrerary Activity or Israri’s Wis—E MEN or SAGES ...... 265 
II. Tue History anp Pornt or View or THE Book or EccuLEsIASTES 269 
IV. Ben Srra’s Guipr-Booxk to Riegut Livine..................--- Q74 


V. Tue PrRoBLeM AND THE History oF THE Book OF JOB.......... 285 
Vill 


THE HISTORY OF ISRAEL'S EARLY 
RECORDS 













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I 
ISRAEL’S HERITAGE OF ORAL TRADITIONS 


“Prove all things and hold fast that which is good” is the guiding 
principle of the present age. The Bible least of all demands exemp- 
tion from this, its own canon. What it is and what its teachings have 
done and are capable of doing for mankind, constitute its supreme 
claim to authority. Tested by intrinsic merit, the stories preserved in 
the opening books of the Old Testament are found to possess a unique 
value, for they reflect not merely the experiences, but also those early 
ideas and ideals of the Israelites which embody God’s personal revela- 
tion through them to the human race. History is simply an accurate 
representation of facts, while into popular traditions are projected the 
beliefs, the aspirations and the eternal truths held by the generations 
which received and treasured them. They portray, therefore, not 
merely the external but also the mental and spiritual life of the Israel- 
itish people, whom God was training by varied experiences to make 
known his gracious purpose to the world. 

Furthermore, their chief function in the past, as in the present, is to 
appeal to the minds and wills of men and thus, by inspiring noble 
thoughts and acts, to make history, rather than merely record it. That 
they will always continue to be powerful religious and ethical forces 
in the life of humanity needs no demonstration. Acquaintance with 
them in their original beauty and simplicity will increase rather than 
diminish their efficiency. Their influence is all the more potent because 
there is little moralizing. By the deeds, character, and words of the 
personages who figure in the narratives, their lessons are imparted 
clearly, effectively, and yet almost unconsciously to those who receive 
them. One of the reasons why they have a perennially helpful message 
for men to-day is because, unlike the heroes of other primitive peoples, 
those of the Old Testament are not men of brute strength—Samson 
stands almost alone—but, like Abraham, they are dominated by a con- 
suming desire to live in harmony with the Eternal. Their struggles 
are not with panoplied warriors, but, as in the case of Jacob, with the 
baser instincts within them. Their mastering ambitions are not to 
achieve possessions or glory for themselves, but to secure divine favor 
and blessings for their race. If, like Joseph or Moses, their circum- 
stances made them men of affairs, they won success by their faithful, 
unselfish devotion to every duty and opportunity which presented 

3 


Histor- 
ical val- 
ue of 
popular 
tradi- 
tions 


AS re- 
ligious 
and 
moral 
forces 


As ar- 
cheeolog- 
ical 
sources 


As liter- 
ature 


The real 
charac- 
ter of 
tradi- 
tions 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


itself, and success attained was simply made in turn the instrument of 
helpfulness to others. 

The Old Testament stories also contain illustrations of almost every 
phase of Israel’s social and institutional life. Unconsciously, but 
faithfully, they reflect the conditions existing during the periods from 
which they come. Without them our knowledge of that marvellous 
people, who have so fundamentally moulded and vitalized modern civili- 
zation, would be very imperfect. 

Viewed as literature they have a peculiar charm which is the result 
of the long process of simplification, attrition, and embellishment to 
which they have for centuries been subjected. Their appreciation as 
literature, instead of being a sin, “as some have ignorantly imagined,” 
is the duty and privilege of every lover of the Bible. Like the poems 
of Homer or the earliest literary products of every truly great people, 
they are the priceless pearls of thought and diction, which the Hebrew 
race had long treasured in its memory arid at last intrusted to the written 
page. Little wonder that they fascinate old and young alike by their 
lucidity, vividness, and dramatic interest. No other writings are more 
simple and yet so instructive, more concrete and yet so universal in their 
application. They were Israel’s richest heritage from antiquity, and 
are among the most valuable of the many contributions which the He- 
brews have made to the common literature of mankind. 

Fortunately, the present age is beginning to listen to the testimony 
which the Bible itself gives regarding its origin and real character. 
At the same time the popular misconception that the word “tradition” 
implies that the literature thus designated is necessarily untrustworthy 
and unhistorical is fast disappearing. True to its derivation, the term 
only means “that which is transmitted or handed down orally from 
generation to generation.” It ordinarily implies a period of oral trans- 
mission. When it is recalled that during the first quarter century fol. 
lowing the death of Jesus, while hearers and eyewitnesses lived to re- 
count the facts, probably not one of his acts or teachings was recorded 
in writing, the value and possibilities of oral tradition are strikingly 
revealed. The amount of historical data thus transmitted naturally 
depends upon the character of the material, the length of the period, 
and the ability of those who handed them down to retain the original 
facts. It is obvious, therefore, that some traditions preserve little 
strictly historical data, while others contain much. No sharp distine- 
tion can be drawn in this respect between traditions and historical rec- 
ords, for at best it is only relative. In the Old Testament the one 
gradually merges into the other. While the Hebrews were nomads, 
without a definite national organization and probably personally un- 
acquainted with the art of writing, it would appear that they had few 
if any written records. Moreover, popular memory was able satisfac- 
torily to answer all questions which might be raised regarding the past. 
When, however, they settled in Canaan and passed through thrilling 
tribal and national experiences, which made a deep impression upon 


4 


ISRAEL’S HERITAGE OF ORAL TRADITIONS 


their memories, the historical element in their traditions became more 
prominent. The result is that the records which relate to later events, 
as, for example, those in the book of Judges, do not differ greatly from 
the sober written records of a later literary age. 

The establishment of the Hebrew monarchy in the days of Saul 
(about 1050 B.c.) and the beginning of the great struggle for national 
independence, which resulted in the union of all the tribes under the 
victorious rule of David, marks in general the transition from the age 
of popular song and story to that of historical narration. A com- 
parison of the story of Eden, in which Jehovah and the serpent are 
represented as speaking (Gen. 2-3), with the realistic account of Ab- 
salom’s rebellion (II Sam. 13-20), illustrates the fundamental differ- 
ences in form and representation between the literary products of these 
two very different eras. The one suggests the ancient bard, the seer, 
and the camp-fire; the other the court annalist and the prophetic his- 
torian. In the one the concrete details are but the clothing of the 
primitive beliefs and ideals; while in the other the bald historical facts 
are simply portrayed. The latter is limited to certain dates and 
themes; while the narratives which come from the age of song and 
story know no such limits, but go back millenniums before the begin- 
nings of Hebrew history to the origin of the universe, of sin, and 
of human civilization. 

Wars, the rise and fall of dynasties and the social and institutional 
life of their nation, command the attention of later historians; but the 
themes which interested the early Hebrews and their Semitic ancestors 
were much more varied. Like children, they asked innumerable ques- 
tions regarding everything which they saw and heard, and especially 
those things which personally concerned them, and, like children to- 
day, did not always stop to investigate whether the answer was based 
on fact or fancy. They who asked were also obliged to answer their 
own inquiries in the light of their imperfect knowledge. Some of these 
answers must be recognized in the light of fuller historical and scien- 
tific truth to have been originally but crude guesses at the riddles of 
existence, or else the attempt to record in picturesque outlines the his- 
tory of the ages regarding which human memory has retained little 
definite information. It is fortunate that their permanent value de- 
pends upon something far more abiding than the amount of historical 
information which they may contain. 

Since the Israelites were among the youngest of the Semitic nations, 
it was to be expected that they derived certain traditions, as well as 
institutions, from their ancestors and kinsmen, already thousands of 
years old in experience. Modern discoveries have strikingly confirmed 
the truth of this conclusion. Divine revelation was not entirely limited 
to one race or age in the past, any more than in the present. Through 
the Babylonian and Assyrian inscriptions it is now possible to tap the 
current of ancient Semitic tradition centuries before the days of Moses, 
and to determine approximately the earlier forms of certain of the Old 


5 


The age 
of song 
and 
story 


Origin 
of popu: 
lar tra- 
ditions 


Israel’s 
debt to 
the oldex 
Semitic 
nations 


Natural- 
ization 
of tradi- 
tions 


Classifi- 
cation of 
tradi- 
tions: 
trans- 
formeé 
myths 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


Testament stories. From the Babylonians, whose civilization had 
reached its zenith and was already growing old before the Hebrews 
entered Canaan, they may also have received directly or indirectly 
many of their narratives regarding the beginnings of universal history. 
For at least five centuries the civilizations of the Tigris-Euphrates val- 
ley had dominated Palestine, which had long been settled by Semitic 
peoples. Not only did they find it regnant in the land, which ulti- 
mately became their home, but their records also assert that their an- 
cestors originally migrated from the same seat of ancient Semitic 
culture. That they should bear with them and later receive anew 
through the Canaanites the traditional inheritances from the common 
ancestors of their race was an inevitable result of the historical situa- 
tion. Also in the older Semitic inhabitants of Palestine, whom they 
ultimately conquered and absorbed, but whose civilization in turn con- 
quered them, they found teachers who not only instructed them in the 
arts, but also imparted to them many of their varied traditions. ‘The 
origin, therefore, of certain of the familiar narratives in Genesis un- 
doubtedly lies far back in the Semitic past. They represent not three 
but at least thirty centuries of human thought and divine revelation. 
If age and the indorsement of countless generations imparts authority, 
they certainly possess it in the highest degree. They are the unbroken 
links which bind the present to the pre-historic past, and enable us to 
think again the thoughts in the mind of primitive man. 

Popular traditions, like proverbs, are often migratory and are readily 
adopted and adapted to the point of view of a later age. Thus assimi- 
lated, they become in a very true sense a new creation. In the Old 
Testament, instead of many gods or the local deities of Canaan and 
the desert, Jehovah, the one God of the Hebrews, appears, and with 
him an infinitely nobler religious atmosphere. Ancient traditions also 
receive a new and distinctively Israelitish setting. Thus the story of 
the visit of the three heavenly beings, which the Hebrews share with 
the Greeks (Ovid, Fast. V. 495 ff.), is localized at Hebron (Gen. 18). 
Egypt's immemorial agrarian policy is attributed to Joseph, § 50. Un- 
consciously the old stories are modified and made to reflect the later ex- 
periences of the Hebrews. Thus Abraham’s adventure at the Egyptian 
court contains suggestions of the bondage and deliverance of the Israel- 
ites from Egypt, § 13; the Jacob-Laban stories reveal the attitude of the 
Hebrews toward the Aramean foes in the days following the death of 
Solomon. As will be shown later (p. 19, 20), it was their transforma- 
tion in Hebrew minds, and at the hand of Israel’s inspired teachers, 
Re gave these ancient traditions their permanent and unique religious 
value. 

A general classification of the narratives found in the opening books 
of the Old Testament makes evident their diverse character and rela- 
tionships, and suggests their origin and history. That the early 
Hebrews received, along with their other inheritances from their 
Semitic forefathers, many popular myths, is shown by the frequent 


6 


ISRAEL’S HERITAGE OF ORAL TRADITIONS 


references to them in the prophetic, and especially the poetic books, 
like Job and the later apocalyptic writings (e. g., Is. 51°, Job. 3°, 9”, 
26", Ps. 89°). Of these the story of Jehovah’s combat with Rahab or 
the Leviathan was the best known (Appendix III.). Naturally myths 
figured more prominently in the minds of the common people than in the 
thought of their inspired teachers. While the earlier prophets neither 
accepted nor openly attacked them, they usually indicated their mild dis- 
approval by ignoring them. Only later poets and prophets, who lived 
when the popular belief in myths was dead, dared employ their imagery 
as illustrations, very much as modern writers utilize the figures sug- 
gested by Greek mythology. Israel’s belief in one supreme God was 
irreconcilable with the premises assumed in most of the Semitic myths 
which the monuments have disclosed. The exalted ethical standards 
of the Hebrew teachers were also hostile to their often immoral impli- 
cations. The result is that the Old Testament is characterized among 
the literary collections coming from antiquity by the comparative ab- 
sence of the mythological element. Only traces of this are found in 
the earliest stories, where the dependence upon ancient Semitic tradi- 
tion is greatest, as, for example, in the narratives of the creation, the 
garden of Eden, the flood, and the tower of Babel. Since in certain 
cases it is now possible to compare the older versions (Appendices 
III.-V.) with the Hebrew, the care with which the biblical writers elim- 
inated polytheistic and immoral elements is clearly apparent. Purified, 
ennobled, and consecrated to an exalted purpose, these ancient myths 
have almost entirely lost their mythological character and have become 
the apt medium through which are conveyed some of the noblest spirit- 
ual truths ever presented to man. The secondary aim which influenced 
Israel’s teachers thus to utilize them was evidently that they might 
save the people from the debasing influence of these popular myths. 
Thus, in the story of the sons of God and the daughters of men (Gen. 
6'*, § 7), where the mythological character of the tradition is most evi- 
dent, the familiar folk-tale is briefly introduced by the prophet that he 
may brand its immoral teaching with Jehovah’s disapproval. Like the 
great Teacher of Nazareth, the prophets indicated their claim to be 
God’s spokesmen by using those things, which were regarded as com- 
mon or unclean, to make clear to men the character and purpose of the 
eternal Father. 

The perennial questions, “Why” and “How,” which are the main- 
spring of all scientific research, gave rise in their original form to some 
of the traditions found in the Old Testament. Crude though their 
conclusions sometimes seem, they possess a deep interest because they 
represent the beginnings of human science. Here the analogies are 
closest with the traditions of other peoples, for to similar questions 
much the same answers were given by races on like stages of culture. 
Thus almost every primitive people had its stories of the creation and 
the flood. These traditions, as a whole, may be classified as etiolog- 
ical, for they deal with the origin and development of things. They 


7 


Proto- 
scien- 
tific 


Ethno 
logical 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


may, however, be divided into several distinct groups. To the first, 
which is concerned with the origin of the material universe and natural 
phenomena, properly belong the accounts of creation; many elements 
in the story of the garden of Eden, as, for example, the suggested origin 
of the pains of childbirth, and the reason why serpents, unlike other 
animals, are not provided with legs; the various explanations of the 
diversity of nations, language, and occupations given in the traditions 
of the sons of Adam, of the flood, and of the tower of Babel; and the 
popular tradition regarding the origin of the barren waste to the north 
of the Dead Sea. 

Parallel to the interest which the ancients took in the natural world 
about them was their curiosity regarding the origin, characteristics, 
and relationships of peoples whose territory and history touched their 
own. A large number of the stories of Genesis are therefore ethnolog- 
ical. They embody the popular beliefs regarding the origin of the 
Hebrews, the Moabites, the Ammonites, the Edomites, the Ishmaelites, 
the Arameans and the nature of their relationship to each other. Tradi- 
tion also ever had a ready answer to such queries as to why the different 
peoples and tribes were located in the particular territory which they 
later held, or why the Ishmaelites were wanderers, while the Hebrews 
were in possession of Canaan. ‘True to the natural instincts of a race 
whose ancestors were nomads and whose social unit was the family, 
national and tribal traditions usually took the form of individual 
biographies. Even in the ethnological tables, like that found in 
Genesis 10, peoples, as, for example, the Egyptians and Canaanites, or 
cities like Tarshish and Sidon, are spoken of as individuals. In verses 
3 and “ it is stated that Egypt begat six nations, the plural ending 
of whose names clearly indicates that the tradition is dealing not with 
individuals but races. The first chapter of Judges also contains strik- 
ing illustrations of the same common Semitic usage, § 114. It de- 
scribes the initial conquests of the different Israelitish tribes, but each 
tribe is represented as an individual. ‘Thus the conversation between 
Judah and “his brother” Simeon is reported in*. Judah, however, in * 
takes both a singular and a plural verb. This characteristic Semitic 
method of presenting tribal relationships and experiences must con- 
stantly be borne in mind in interpreting the stories associated with the 
names of Abraham, Jacob-Israel, and Joseph. The majority of these 
ethnological traditions are also localized in the hazy, undefined age of 
the patriarchs, which is removed at least four or five centuries from the 
period when they were committed to writing, and the only connecting 
link appears to have been the memory of wandering tribes. In relative 
point of time the period of the patriarchs corresponds in Hebrew his- 
tory to the age of myth and legend among other primitive peoples. 
These facts suggest the much-debated problem which must be consid- 
ered in connection with each of these traditions: “Are the experiences 
which are therein portrayed those of an individual or of a tribe?” and 
“Where does the realm of legend end and that of history begin?” 


8 


ISRAEL’S HERITAGE OF ORAL TRADITIONS 


That a large proportion of the traditions, contained in the first eight 
books of the Old Testament, can properly be classified as historical in 
the sense that they reflect paaheaitic facts and experiences, seems both 
reasonable and probable. Traditions are readily modified in the 
process of transmission, but ordinarily those which relate to detailed 
events and persons contain at least an historical nucleus. Although 
these ancient stories subserve far higher ends than merely perpetuating 
the memory of early man and his achievements, the patient investigator, 
after subjecting them to the searching tests of historical criticism, finds 
there a valuable body of data to aid him in reconstructing the outlines 
of early Israelitish history. Especially is this true of the stories which 
relate to the period beginning with the exodus. The character of the 
traditions changes likewise: instead of being general pictures equally 
true to certain stages of culture in all ages, they are filled with local 
details. Instead of standing independently, they are more closely knit 
together, as they trace the successive steps in the evolution of the 
Hebrew nation. [Finally in the book of Judges events are usually rep- 
resented as taking plaee as a result of ordinary rather than extraor- 
dinary means. There, through men’s minds and works, Jehovah gradu- 
ally, but none the less effectually, realizes his purpose in human history, 
not by special revelations and supernatural interventions. 

Three distinct types of historical traditions may be distinguished. 


The first relates to the history of the Israelitish race. To this class t 


certainly belong some, if not most, of the stories of the patriarchs. 
The migration of Abraham to Canaan, for example, represents the 
greater Aramean movement which brought the ancestors of the 
Hebrews to Palestine. This group also includes most of the stories in 
Exodus, Numbers, and Joshua. Another class, which includes tribal 
traditions, is illustrated by the stories of Dinah and Tamar (Gen. 
34, 38). Here the conflicts and alliances between tribes are recorded 
in the form of individual biographies. In the book of Judges, however, 
which contains many similar narratives, the tribes themselves are the 
actors in the stormy dramas therein recounted. The first chapter of 
Judges marks the transition from the older to the later form of tribal 
tradition. The third class of historical traditions relates the experi- 
ences and achievements of individual heroes. Although many stories, 
which at first glance might be assigned to this group, properly belong 
to the first or second, it is obvious that the Old Testament contains 
many biographical sketches of the men and women who were influential 
in shaping Hebrew history. It is reasonable to believe that back of 
the varied stories associated with the name of Abraham, was a man of 
strong personality—probably a leader of one of the earliest Aramean 
migrations—who made a deep impression upon his own and later gen- 
erations. Recent discoveries have also established the strong proba- 
bility that the outlines of the Joseph stories are historical. The same 
is true of the thrilling tales told of Israel’s early champions and re- 
corded in the book of Judges. 


9 


es geet 


3 


ical tra- 
ditions 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


Institu- | Another large group of traditions was intended to explain the origin 

Honal and nature of existing customs and institutions. Thus the majestic 
first chapter of Genesis gives one of the several explanations of the 
origin and sanctity of the sabbath, which are found in the Old Testa- 
ment. The striking details of the Feast of the Passover (which ap- 
pears to have been a very old Semitic institution, cf. § 71) were all 
associated with the events immediately preceding the departure of the 
Hebrews from Egypt. In the same way the fact that the Hebrews 
did not eat the muscle of the thigh was explained by the story of 
Jacob’s wrestling with the divine messenger, § 39; the peculiar limping 
in the sacred dances at Penuel was because Jacob’s hip was lamed in 
the same struggle; the annual lamentation of the Gileadite women was 
traced to the sacrifice of Jephthah’s daughter, § 144. Certain impor- 
tant religious customs were differently explained by different tradi- 
tions. For example, in one passage circumcision is connected with 
Moses, § 61, while in another it is represented as first revealed to Abra- 
ham, § 19. Illustrations might be multiplied to show how early and 
how deep was the interest among the Israelites in the origins, especially 
of their religious institutions. These traditions mark the beginning of 
the study of religion. The same interest which prompted the question, 
“Why are certain institutions observed as they are?” doubtless led the 
people to ask, ‘“Why are certain places, like Hebron, Shechem, Bethel, 
Beersheba, Penuel, and Mahanaim, regarded as holy and provided with 
sanctuaries to which the people make frequent pilgrimages? Why, 
also, are certain stones or trees or wells at these shrines regarded with 
especial awe and veneration?’ Modern comparative religion offers a 
variety of answers and history demonstrates that far back in pre- 
Hebrew times these spots and objects had been held to be sacred, but 
the reply which satisfied the minds of the Israelites and confirmed their 
title to Canaan was that at these different places God had revealed 
himself to some one of their ancestors. As Jacob lay at night pillowed 
on a stone at Bethel, he saw the angels descending to earth from the 
abode of God, § 31. Hence that stone was regarded as the very thresh- 
old of heaven. At Hebron the divine beings became the guests of 
Abraham, § 19. Through the thorn bush on the sacred mountain 
Jehovah spoke to Moses, § 61, and later amidst the manifestations of 
his presence revealed his law through his servant to the Israelitish race, 
§ 75. At Ophrah the messenger of God appeared to Gideon, who on his 
return as victor established a sanctuary there, § 141. Each holy place 
probably treasured some such tradition as its divine charter. 

Age Similarly the Ishmaelites had a tradition regarding their sacred well 

which Lahai-roi. This would perhaps suggest that certain of these stories 

some associated with the shrines of Palestine were older than the Hebrews. 
They all bespeak an age of reflection and advanced religious thought, 
when a god was no longer conceived of as dwelling in every sacred 
stone or tree. In their present form, also, they point to the belief in 
one God who at various times and places had revealed and would reveal 


10 


ISRAEL’S HERITAGE OF ORAL TRADITIONS 


himself to those who needed and sought to know him. They mark, 
therefore, a great step forward in the history of religious faith. 

Another interesting group of stories is primarily concerned with the 
origin and meaning of proper names. They reveal the beginnings of 
the science of language, although modern comparative philology has 
demonstrated that most of the popular etymologies therein suggested 
are based simply on similarity of sound between the ancient names and 
current Hebrew words, and not on their etymological derivation. The 
motive which gave rise to these peculiar traditions was obviously not 
philological, but rather the firm Semitic belief that the name possessed 
a deep significance and was indicative of the origin or character of 
the person or object bearing it. The number of these popular etymolo- 
gies is surprisingly great. Especially in the patriarchal stories the 
attempt is made to explain nearly every important proper name. Thus 
Abraham is interpreted in Genesis 17° as “the father of a multitude” 
(Ab-hamon). Jacob is the “‘heel-holder,”’ because at his birth he held 
his twin brother by the heel (Gen. 25"). Often two distinct origins 
are given for the same word: in Genesis 18” Isaac is so named because 
his mother laughed (sahak ) when his birth was promised, while in 17” 
it is Abraham who laughed; according to Genesis 21", the famous 
sanctuary of Beersheba is “the well of seven” (Beer-sheba‘ ), because 
there Abraham gave Abimelech seven lambs; but according to 21* it 
is “‘the well of the oath” (Beer-sheba‘), because there Abraham and 
Abimelech took oath with each other. In cases like the latter it would 
seem that the tradition arose as the result of a naive endeavor to explain 
the name. Ordinarily, however, the etymologies are introduced simply 
as supplemental elements in a longer tradition. 

A few traditions cannot be classified under any of the above head- 
ings. The chief motive which produced them seems simply to have 
been the desire to entertain. Of this character is the long and elabor- 
ate story of the successful journey of Abraham’s servant to secure 
Rebekah as a wife for Isaac, § 24; the detailed account of the tricks 
which Jacob and Laban played upon each other, §§ 33-37; and the 
familiar tales regarding Samson, §§ 147-150. Obviously they were 
great favorites with the people. Many stories consist of diverse ele- 
ments, which probably once existed independently. Thus in the narra- 
tive of the garden of Eden, § 2, it seems clear that remnants of certain 
old Semitic myths are to be recognized (cf. Appendix IV.). Back of 
the story, as a whole, is the historical fact that the lower waters of the 
Tigris and Euphrates were the seat of the earliest Semitic civilization. 
A scientific motive is revealed in the explanation that is offered of why 
serpents crawl in the dust, why women suffer the pains of childbirth, 
and why men must toil to eat. An interest in institutions appears in 
the reason given for the nature and sanctity of the marriage bond. 
Finally, the name of Eve (Heb. Hanwa) is derived from the Hebrew 
word to live (hana), ““because she was the mother of all living.” 'Thus 
mythological, historical, proto-scientific, institutional, and etymological 


1] 


Etymc 
ogical 
tradi- 


tions 


Populat 
tradi- 
tions 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


traditions are all drawn upon by the great prophet who with a few 
bold strokes portrayed in immortal colors the origin, essence, and con- 
sequences of human sin. In the same way it is possible to analyze the 
constituent elements in such mixed traditions as the flight of Hagar, 
§ 22, the stories regarding Beersheba, § 39, and the sin at Meribah, 
S 88. 

Conclu- , This general survey of the Old Testament traditions has suggested 

Chow great was Israel’s debt to earlier Semitic civilizations and to its 
own age of song and story. In the picturesque, concrete form of popu- 
lar traditions were transmitted the thoughts, the beliefs, the fancies, and 
the experiences of preceding generations. ‘The variety of the motives 
and influences which gave rise to these is astonishing. Some were at 
first intended simply to entertain, others to enlighten, to kindle patriot- 
ism, to instruct in the ritual, and to inspire true faith and action. They 
touch almost every side of human experience and meet in a remarkable 
manner man’s varied needs. In different ages, in different circum- 
stances, and in different minds they took form gradually under the 
divine direction. Coming, as many of them do, from extreme antiquity, 
when ethical principles were only imperfectly developed, it is not 
strange that they retain a few of their birthmarks. Like a mirror, they 
faithfully reflect every important phase in the early culture of the 
Hebrew race. While they demonstrate conclusively that Israel’s re- 
ligious and ethical education, like that of other less favored nations, 
was gradual and progressive, they also show with equal clearness that 
at a very early period the seeds of spiritual truth began to germinate 
and bear attractive fruits in the stories which were found on the lips of 
the people. Simply, naturally, and majestically the divine purpose 
and revelation for mankind were beginning to unfold. 


il 


THE TRANSMISSION AND CRYSTALLIZATION OF 
ISRAEL’S TRADITIONS INTO LITERATURE 


A PRIMITIVE tradition, like a proverb or a folk-song, usually has a 
long history. Many of Israel’s traditions undoubtedly continued for 
centuries to be recorded simply in the minds of the people. As among 
the nomadic Arabs to-day they were recounted during the long evenings 
beside the camp-fires, or as the shepherds watched their slow-moving 
flocks, or in the secret of the harem, or at the wells as the maidens went 
out to draw water, or at marriage feasts and religious festivals. Pos- 
sibly, as throughout all the towns of modern Palestine, there were found 
professional story-tellers who, whenever men were gathered together 
for recreation, recited with gesture and action their bundle of tales. 
The stories appealed strongly to the imagination of the people, for they 
told of courtship, of marriage, of intrigue, and of the achievements of 
their ancestors, or else answered the questions which were uppermost 
in their minds. Other traditions, embodying the experiences of the 
tribe, were transmitted as sacred possessions from father to son. An- 
other large group was treasured at the many local sanctuaries scattered 
throughout the land. Each time that the worshippers made a pil- 
grimage to the shrine, its especial cycle of traditions relating to its 
history and ceremonies would be recounted or recalled and thus kept 
fresh in the popular memory. Later survivals of this ancient custom 
are recorded. Thus in Exodus 127° 27 Moses is represented as in- 
structing the people, ‘when their children say to them, “What do you 
mean by this ceremony?’ ”’ to tell them the story of how their ancestors 
were delivered from the bondage of Egypt. The same command is 
repeated in 13+, In Joshua 4°" the Israelites are likewise told to 
recount, when their children in later generations inquire the meaning of 
the heap of twelve memorial stones beside the Jordan, the story of the 
miraculous crossing of the river. It requires little imagination to con- 
ceive how similar traditions were perpetuated among a people who de- 
pended upon the memory rather than upon literary writings. 

In the process of transmission these stories were constantly being 
recast and supplemented, for they were being told in an age and by a 
race, which, true to its oriental instincts, possessed a fertile imagination, 
but was not regardful of exact details. The essential and dra- 
matic elements, impressing themselves upon the memory, were retained. 
Technical details and all that was unnecessary were soon forgotten. 
This fact largely explains their picturesqueness and striking literary 
form. They each tell their tale clearly and dramatically, but usually 
in the fewest possible words. The brevity of many of them is a 


13 


Method 
of trans 
mission 


Effects 
of trans< 
mission 
upon the 
literary 
form: 
absence 
of tech- 
nical 
details 


Few 
charac- 
tera 


striking 
charac- 
teristics 
pre- 
sented 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


marked characteristic. Some of them are condensed into five or six 
verses, where a modern historian, or even a later Hebrew writer, would 
have required almost as many chapters (cf.,e. g., the account of Ab- 
salom’s rebellion). In the account of the tower of Babel we ask in 
vain a score of questions which are left unanswered. ‘The same is true 
of the majority of the traditions in the first eight books of the Old 
Testament, and yet from the point of view of a popular story no essen- 
tial is omitted. Because of the absence of cumbersome details, all 
attention is focused on the main themes. Where, as in the suit for 
Rebekah, § 24, or in some of the Joseph stories, discursiveness takes 
the place of brevity, it is evident that a later tendency to expand and 
embellish has been at work. 

The same effective economy and simplicity are usually observed in 
the introduction of characters. The actors are always few. For ex- 
ample, in the drama enacted in the garden of Eden there are but four: 
Jehovah, the man, the woman, and the serpent; in the oldest stories of 
the Egyptian plagues two, Moses and Pharaoh. Attention is also con- 
stantly fixed upon the chief characters. Subordinate personages are 
introduced only when required to bring out the action, and then they 
are often dismissed without further notice. Little attempt is made to 
characterize them. 

Even in the case of the chief personages only the most striking 
characteristics are portrayed. This is done not abstractly, but, as in 
actual experience, by means of scenes in which the actors reveal their 
personality by their deeds or words. ‘Their one or two dominant traits 
are thus vividly set forth. If the hero be prominent, his various quali- 
ties are brought out in different stories. Thus the tradition of Abra- 
ham’s separation from Lot, § 15, simply illustrates the patriarch’s 
generosity, and that of the sacrifice of Isaac, § 23, his absolute devo- 
tion to Jehovah. 

The different personages also figure as the superlative embodiments 
of their chief characteristic. Cain is the defiant murderer; Noah and 
Abraham are the Hebrew models of piety and obedience; Jacob 
is the worthy ancestor of a race, which combined in a most aston- 
ishing manner energy and shrewdness in attaining material pos- 
sessions with exalted religious aspirations; Joseph is the upright, 
successful man of affairs, and Pharaoh the typical oriental despot. 
Minor characters, like Rachel, the favorite, and Leah, the despised wife, 
are the representatives of the less prominent members of that ancient 
society. Practically every type of individual and every phase of 
human character known to the early Hebrew world are represented in 
the Old Testament traditions. It is evident that they sprang from the 
soil of common experience and that their roots are embedded in reality. 
The fact that many of the actors who figure in the earlier stories, like 
the man and the woman in the third chapter of Genesis, must be re- 
garded as types rather than as ordinary human beings, simply gives 
them a universal interest. Even though the hero be an historical charac- 


14 


THEIR CRYSTALLIZATION INTO LITERATURE 


ter, the tendency to magnify his more prominent characteristics and 
ignore all others is irresistible. The result was a great gain rather than 
a loss. It was because they segregated, magnified, and presented in 
concrete form certain universal human traits, that these ancient tradi- 
tions lent themselves so readily to the purposes of Israel’s later teachers. 

The Old Testament writers always appreciated the value of contrast. 
This element is especially prominent in these traditions. Jehovah’s 
unstinted provision for the man and woman in the garden is the back- 
ground of their disobedience and condemnation to toil and pain. The 
command to slay Isaac has for its preface the glorious promises assured 
to Abraham through his descendants. Joseph, the slave in prison, sold 
by his kinsmen, is the antithesis of the man raised to a position second 
only to Pharaoh himself. Moses, the outlaw leader of a disorganized 
body of serfs, stands opposed to the despotic king of Egypt. 

The chief charm of these stories for their ancient, as well as their 
modern hearers, lies in the fact that they are full of dramatic action. 
As has already been noted, the traits and feelings of the different 
heroes are usually indicated by their acts or conversations. The story- 
teller does not need to describe Abraham as a pious man; the patriarch’s 
acts and the words of Jehovah himself establish the fact. Joseph’s 
meeting with his brothers is full of genuine pathos, but the feeling of 
those present is simply suggested by the action. Even such a sub- 
jective experience as temptation is represented by a dialogue between 
the woman and the serpent. Thus, the attention of the hearer is 
always fixed on some objective action, to which all else is subordi 
nated; just enough is suggested to keep the imagination alert; there 
are few asides; everything moves on rapidly toward the culmination on 
which all interest is centred. If a modern analogy were to be sought, 
it would be found in the historical novel. 

Each complete tradition is in itself a miniature drama in which dif- 


ferent scenes succeed each other in rapid succession and in close logical ¢ 


sequence, making the literary analysis exceedingly clear and simple. 
Thus the drama of creation contains seven scenes, representing the 
work of each of the six days with the impressive pause on the seventh. 
The account of securing a wife for Isaac, § 24, also includes seven dis- 
tinct scenes, which present in logical succession: (1) Abraham receiving 
news regarding the family of his brother Nahor, the Aramean; (2) his 
solemn instructions to his trusty servant; (3) the servant’s journey and 
arrival at a well in Aram-Naharaim; (4) his meeting and conversation 
with Rebekah; (5) his reception at her home; (6) his return with 
Rebekah; (7) their meeting with Isaac. That this dramatic method of 
telling a story is very old, is shown by the fact that the ancient song of 
Deborah likewise consists of a succession of scenes or pictures, which 
vividly present the essential elements of the narrative. ‘The same liter- 
ary structure is also discernible in the oldest Babylonian epics (Ap- 
pendices IV.-V.). 

This common characteristic is but one of the many indications that 


15 


Abound 
ing in 
striking 
con- 
trasts 


Full of 
dramat- 
ic action 
and dia- 
logue 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


the oldest traditions were probably once current in poetical form. This 


i ene . . . . 
cunent was to be anticipated on a priori grounds, for poetry is universally the 
in poet 


earliest form of literary expression. ‘To this rule the Hebrews were no 
exception, as is attested by the so-called “Blessing of Jacob” in 
Genesis 49, and the “Song of Deborah” in Judges 5, and by a number 
of ancient poems scattered through the first seven books of the Old 
Testament. The manner in which these are introduced into the prose 
narratives indicates that they usually represent the older originals from 
which the later story-tellers and historians drew much, and in some 
cases all, of their data. Thus in the story of Lamech, § 4, the detailed 
facts presented in verse” are all found in the poetical fragment quoted 
in® *4, Similarly, the little that is known regarding the Israelitish 
victories over Sihon, king of the Amorites, is apparently derived from 
the ancient poem, fragments of which are preserved in Numbers 21. 

In connection with one of these quotations (vs.*) the name of the 
source from which it is taken is given, “The Book of the Wars of Jeho- 
vah.” The title suggests the contents of this primitive collection of na- 
tional songs, recounting Israel’s victories in the name of Jehovah. Else- 
where references with quotations are found (Josh. 10%, II Sam. 1*7") 
to a similar poetic collection called “The Book of the Righteous One” 
(i. e., Israel). The fragments, which are quoted, incidentally reveal the 
variety and extent of Israel’s early heritage of song and ballad, which 
lies back of the prose traditions. It is also significant that usually in 
the oldest traditions, when the chief characters speak, their words are 
in poetry. Thus in the story of the garden of Eden, § 2, the man’s 
address to his wife and Jehovah’s words of condemnation have the 
balanced parallelism and similarly recurring accents, which characterize 
all other Semitic, as well as Hebrew, poetry (cf. Introd. vol. V.). The 
same phenomenon repeats itself frequently throughout Genesis, and is 
indicated typographically in the translation. Many of these poetic 
passages, like 4° 7, 925-27, 95%, g1727-28, 34-40. 497-27, are ancient oracles, pre- 
cursors of the apocalyptic vision of later times (cf. Introd., vol. III.). 
Conclusive evidence that at least certain of Israel’s traditions were orig- 
inally in epic form is furnished by the older Babylonian versions of the 
creation and flood stories which are characterized by a highly developed 
poetical structure (Appendices III.-IV.). The fourth and fifth chap- 
ters of Judges, which contain two complete, parallel accounts of the 
great victory of the Hebrews over the Canaanites of central Palestine, 
offer a good illustration of the history of many Israelitish traditions: 
the poetical version in the fifth chapter is readily recognized as the 
older, while the fourth chapter embodies the later prose parallel, § 139. 
The recognition that the literary form of many of the Old Testament 
traditions was originally poetical is important for their intelligent in- 
terpretation and appreciation. Although their final garb is plain 
prose, they have retained much of their original elegiac and epic beauty. 
Like all true poetry, they aim not only to reflect facts, but also to 
entertain, to instruct, and to inspire noble thoughts and acts. 


16 


THEIR CRYSTALLIZATION INTO LITERATURE 


that most of the stories found in the first eight books of the Old Testa- 
ment originated before or during the age of song and story (c. 1250- 
1050 n.c.). While in the plastic oral stage they also appear to have 
assumed their present outlines. This conclusion is not only supported 
by analogies, but also by the character of the traditions themselves. 
Like watermarks, they contain within themselves the history of their 
origin. Many of the striking variations between the different versions 
of the same tradition could only have arisen while they were in the 
oral stage. 

To the same period probably belongs the association together of 
certain originally independent traditions. Many of the individual sto- 
ries themselves deal with several distinct themes and contain diverse 
elements. Perhaps the best illustration of this is the story of the tower 
of Babel. It is concerned with answering the three very different 
questions, ““Why are there various languages and races?” and “What 
was the origin of the huge, seemingly incomplete mound which in or 
near Babylon rose abruptly from the level plain?” and, finally, “What 
is the derivation of the name Babylon?” Into the story two originally 
distinct traditions seem to have been woven: one which told of the 
building of a city (Babylon) with the aim of gaining renown thereby, 
and another which described the rearing of a huge tower with its top 
in the sky. From Hebrew and other primitive literatures might be 
cited many examples of the natural tendency to combine distinct stories, 
because they have certain points in common. Thus naturally arose the 
earliest cycles of tradition found in the Old Testament. The uniting 
bond at first may have been that they were associated with the same 
sanctuary. Thus, for example, the Abraham and Lot stories centre 
about Hebron, where they were originally treasured; or oftener they 
are joined together because they relate to the same leading character 
or characters. In this way apparently arose the original groups of 
Abraham, Jacob, Joseph, Gideon, Jephthah, and Samson stories. 

It is probable, also, that in the age of song and story the more impor- 
tant cycles of patriarchal stories were brought into conjunction with 
each other and the relationships between Abraham, Lot, Isaac, Jacob, 
and Joseph traced. When the different Hebrew tribes began to recog- 
nize the common bond of blood and religion and to unite—a process 
which was not complete until the days of David—the amalgamation 
of their various traditions doubtless proceeded rapidly. 

The most important work of the succeeding period, which may be 
designated as the creative age of prophetic narration (cf. Chart, 
frontispiece), beginning with the establishment of the Hebrew king- 
dom, about 1050, and continuing until about 750 B.c., when Amos and 
Hosea, by their preaching, inaugurated a new epoch in the literary and 
religious life of the Hebrews, was to collect and put into permanent 
written form the great body of narratives which recorded the past ex- 
periences and thought of the race. The age was also filled with stirring 


17 


ditions 


Growth 
of cycles 
of tradi- 
tions 


Union 
of the 
patri- 

archal 
stories 


Literary 
activity 
during 
the age 
of pro- 
phetic 
narra- 
tion 


Influ- 
ences 
which 
led to 
the crys- 
talliza- 
tion of 
tradi- 
tion 
into lit- 
erature 


Intro- 
duction 
of writ- 
ing 


Favor- 
able po- 
litica 
condi- 
tions 


Recogni- 
tion of 
the need 
of his- 
torical 
records 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


deeds which commanded the attention of these writers, so that their first 
task was to record the events which stood nearest to them in point of 
time. 

The conditions and influences which led certain Israelitish writers to 
transcribe the popular traditions of their race can be traced in the light 
of history and the testimony of the traditions themselves. As long as 
the different tribes lived their life apart, as they did until the end of the 
so-called period of the Judges, they were each able to remember their 
own traditions; but when they were all united under David the common 
inheritance of ancient lore became too great for the mind of man to 
retain. 

At the same time the Hebrew system of writing, which seems itself 
to have been an inheritance through the highly civilized Canaanites 
and Pheenicians, appears for the first time to have come into use. 
Pioneers struggling for homes have little need or time for literary pur- 
suits. A stable government, certain progress in the arts of civilization, 
and national experiences, which are worthy of recording, are the neces- 
sary precursors of literature. These conditions were first developed 
among the Hebrews after the establishment of the monarchy. 

The days of Saul and David were filled with protracted wars which 
engrossed the attention of the people. History was still in the making. 
The peaceful reign of Solomon, when king and people turned to build- 
ing and development of the arts therefore, furnishes the earliest back- 
ground for the beginnings of a native Hebrew literature. The recorder 
became an important official in the court, which suggests that state annals, 
probably containing brief memoranda of the more important events in 
the reign, began to be kept. These were in all probability the basis 
of the later ‘Acts of Solomon” and “The Chronicles (lit. Book of 
Days) of the Kings of Israel and Judah,” to which frequent reference 
is made in Samuel-Kings. 

In antiquity the events of one period are usually first recorded by 
the historian of the next. While eye-witnesses survive, who can bear per- 
sonal testimony to the facts, little need is felt for a written history. In 
the days after the division of the Hebrew empire (about 930 B.c.), when 
its glories were only memories of the past, the incentives were strong to 
preserve the traditions which had already sprung up concerning them. 
The products of this activity are the narratives of the wars and family 
history of Israel’s first three kings, in the book of Samuel-Kings. 
Kindred interests and impulses in turn led the same or later writers to 
collect in succession the traditions regarding the immediately preceding 
periods. The final limit was the creation of the universe and man, for, 
regarding this far-distant event, primitive tradition spoke with assur- 
ance. Thus all the indications contained in Israel’s history point to 
the century or two beginning with about 950 B.c. as the era when the 
oral traditions of an earlier age were collected and woven into connected 
groups of narratives. 

Although their individual names will never be known, the character- 


18 


THEIR CRYSTALLIZATION INTO LITERATURE 


istics and aims of the writers who gathered the earliest groups of the Aims of 
traditions can be definitely determined. They were patriots interested whet» 
in the past experiences of their race; but they were more than his- mitica 
torians, they were prophets who looked backward, that they might find ira: ° 
there truths and illustrations which would be helpful in moulding the Ywitng 
life and thoughts of the present and future. This is shown by the fact 

that from an historical point of view their narratives are not propor- 
tionate. Political events of far-reaching national importance are ig- 
nored or passed over with only a brief notice, while, for example, the 
account of Abraham’s sacrifice of Isaac or David’s private sins and 
their consequences, are treated with great detail. Incidentally, these 
early prophetic writers have given us a vast amount of historical data, 

and for that reason they are sometimes called historians, but the title 
represents only a secondary element in their work. To them the past 
history and floating traditions of their race were simply a valuable col- 
lection of familiar, effective illustrations with which to enforce upon 

the minds of their contemporaries the significant religious truths which 

it was their mission to impart. Whether or not the primitive traditions 

were in every detail historical was of no concern to them. In common 

with their uncritical contemporaries they doubtless considered them 

to be authentic; and yet the freedom with which they modified and 
adapted them to their purpose shows how little they regarded the ques- 

tion of exact historicity. They used them very much as the Great 
Teacher employed parables, and for the same reasons, namely, because 

they were simple and therefore intelligible to the most obtuse, familiar 

and therefore sure to kindle interest, and, above all, marvellously fitted 

to be a medium for imparting religious truths. 

Many popular traditions they undoubtedly rejected as unsuited to Princi- 
their uses. Out of the vast storehouse of the popular memory they fection 
selected those which were worthy of perpetuation. As the stories come 
from their hands, each illustrates its own individual teaching. Some, 
like the narrative of the garden of Eden, present in most concise form 
the main essentials of the prophetic doctrine. The ethical and religious 
value of others, as, for example, certain of the Joseph stories, is found 
in the fact that they are constituent elements in a greater narration. 
Since Israel’s history, as a whole, was a supreme illustration of 
Jehovah’s attitude toward the race and of man’s duty to God, the vari- 
ous traditions were also in time woven together into continuous narra- 
tives. 

In general, it is noticeable that in the oldest sections of Joshua and Relative 
Judges, which were probably the first to be crystallized into literature, of! nae 
the historical purpose is very prominent, and the religious far less sig- data” 
nificant. On the other hand, the traditions in the preceding books, 
which deal with earlier periods, but which were later committed to 
writing, reveal at every point the prophetic aim and teaching, while 
they furnish comparatively little historical data concerning the themes 
which they treat. The first explanation, of course, is that oral tradi- 


19 


The real 
value of 
Old Tes- 
tament 
tradi- 
tions 


Conclu- 
sion 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


tion is not skilled in retaining details, but is interested in types. 
Hence the longer the period of transmission, the less the amount of 
exact data and the more striking the typical elements. But the prophets 
were able also more perfectly to adapt to their purpose the plastic 
material of primitive tradition. Moreover, the polytheistic and im- 
moral elements in those ancient stories often made a fundamental re- 
vision and purification absolutely necessary. 

It is obvious, therefore, that in interpreting and estimating the value 
of an Old Testament tradition two distinct questions must be consid- 
ered: (1) “What was its original form and significance?” and (2) 
“What were the teachings which the prophetic or priestly writer, who 
adapted it to his ends, was seeking thereby to enforce?’ The first is 
primarily of interest to the historian, the archeologist and the student 
of comparative religion, and by them it must be answered; the second 
vitally concerns all who find in the Bible a message from God through 
man to man. It is also clear that the answer to the second is little 
affected by the replies which may be given to the first. A modern 
preacher’s hearers do not stop to inquire what was the genesis of the 
stories which he uses in illustrating his sermon or whether or not they 
are strictly scientific or historical. If they aid in making clear his 
message it suffices. The permanent religious value of the majority of 
the Old Testament traditions is likewise entirely independent of their 
origin or their scientific and historical accuracy. It depends upon the 
use made of it by the inspired teacher who appropriated it, and, there- 
fore, ultimately upon the nature of the God-given message he had to 
convey. 

In order to study the Old Testament traditions intelligently and 
profitably, it is therefore important to remember that they represent 
the work not of one writer but of scores. Transmitted through the 
medium of many different minds, they gradually assumed their present 
unique form. ‘The generations, which in transmitting have trans- 
formed them, have contributed fully as much as the age which produced 
them. Finally, to Israel’s inspired teachers who committed them to 
writing, adapting them to their noble purpose, they owe their perma- 
nent religious value and authority. Their present literary form sug- 
gests their later history. Guided by these indications, one of the first 
aims of modern biblical scholarship is to recover as far as possible the 
different groups of narratives, as they came from the pens of the 
prophets and priests who first wrote them down. 


20 


Iii 


THE PRESENT LITERARY FORM AND CONTENTS OF 
ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


Tue majority of Israel’s early traditions are recorded in the first 
eight books of the Old Testament. Of these eight, all of Leviticus, 
most of Deuteronomy, and nearly half of Exodus and Numbers consist 
of laws or else of traditional precedents, intended to illustrate the 
origin or to establish the authority of certain institutions. Their theme 
and purpose are so different from those of the popular narratives that 
they constitute a distinct group by themselves (cf. vol. IV.). With the 
exception of certain national songs, like Genesis 49 and Deuteronomy 
32 and 33, practically all the rest of the material found in Genesis to 
Ruth inclusive, consists of stories, most of which were probably once 
current as oral traditions. 

These have been grouped in the Old Testament according to subject- 
matter. The order in general is that of the events treated. Leviticus, p 
Deuteronomy, and Ruth stand by themselves; but the remaining books, 
Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Joshua, and Judges, each represent dis- 
tinct stages in the evolution of the Israelitish race and together form a 
reasonably complete and continuous record. 

The book of Genesis constitutes a most fitting introduction to the Old 
Testament. It has been appropriately called the “Book of Origins.” 
The traditional origin of the universe, of man, of sin, of murder, of 
civilization, of the different nations and languages, of the Hebrews, of 
their neighbors in southwestern Asia, and of the primitive institutions 
and sanctuaries of Canaan are its chief themes. The book contains four 
distinct groups of narratives: (1) traditions regarding the beginnings of 
human history, 17-11°; (2) the Abraham stories, 11*°-25°°; (3) the 
Jacob stories, 257-36, 38; (4) the Joseph stories, 37, 39-50. 

The first, 1'- 11%, erelndes certain universal traditions which serve as 
an introduction to the subsequent narratives. With the possible excep- 
tion of the story of Cain and Abel, the elements which enter into them 
appear to have been originally derived from the cycle of primitive tra- 


ditions inherited by the Israelites from their older Semitic ancestors. 


It is not surprising, therefore, that there is no close unity between the 
individual stories within this group. It is rather a bundle of traditions. 
Chapters 1 and 2 contain two variant accounts of the creation, 4 and 5 
two distinct lists of the antediluvians, and 6-9 two versions of the flood- 
story (cf. § 8). While a few assume the facts presented in others, as 
a rule, each individual narrative is complete in itself, and often con- 


21 


Serie 
tradi 
the old 


enti 


Present 
pr inci- 
ple of ar- 
range- 
ment 


Literary 

analysis 

of Gene- 
sis 


Intro- 
duction; 
tradi- 
tions re- 
garding 
the be- 
ginnings 
hu- 
man his- 
tory 


Their 
origin 


The 
Isaac 
stories 


Struct- 


ure of 
the 
Jacob 
stories 


Early 
cycles 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


tains statements which reveal a lack of acquaintance with the contents 
of those which precede and follow it in the present context. 

The second group, 117°-25°, includes the various stories in which 
Abraham (Abram) figures as the chief character. Here attention for 
the first time begins to be focused on themes primarily of interest to the 
Hebrews. Again, the unity is the result of arrangement rather than 
of any innate relationship between the different narratives. Many in- 
consistencies, due to the distinct points of view reflected in the indi- 
vidual stories, are also discernible. ‘Thus, for example in 20, Sarah is 
represented as a young and attractive woman, but in 18” it has already 
been stated that she was “old and advanced in years.”’ A close ex- 
amination discloses at least nine examples of duplicate versions. 
Thus, for example, chapter 17 contains a variant account of the divine 
promise and covenant with Abraham, which is already recorded in 15. 
Chapters 16 and 21 each have their own account of the departure of 
Hagar. ; 

While each of the traditions was probably once current in independ- 
ent form, there are indications that they were grouped together in 
cycles before they were committed to writing. In one of these cycles 
Abraham and Lot figure, and the geographical background is south- 
eastern Canaan; in another Abram and Ishmael or Abraham and 
Abimelech, and the background is the territory to the south of Pales- 
tine; and in still another Abraham and Isaac. Hebron appears to have 
been the common sanctuary to which Moabites, Ammonites, Ishmael- 
ites, Hagarites, as well as Canaanites, resorted, bringing their tribal 
traditions, which became in time the property of the ancient shrine. 
Later, together with the soil and institutions of Canaan, they passed 
into the possession of the Hebrews, in whose keeping they remained 
until they were utilized by the prophetic and priestly historians. 

The third group, 257-36", 38, contains the stories which centre 
about Jacob-Israel. ‘The traditions regarding Isaac are few in num- 
ber; the two important ones are but variants of those associated with 
Abraham, $$ 13, 14, and the others are closely attached as mere 
episodes in the Abraham and Jacob narratives. The character of Isaac 
is dimly sketched. The stories concerning him are localized at Beer- 
sheba, indicating that he was probably the local hero or deity of the 
nomadic tribes which frequented this southern shrine. In the few 
traditions which survive, Isaac is simply a connecting link between the 
Abraham and Jacob stories. 

The latter have been very closely welded together. Ten or more 
duplicates have been discovered, but they are amalgamated so perfectly 
that the analysis is often difficult and the results unsatisfactory. 

Certain lines of cleavage suggest the older cycles of tradition which 
were thus united. Four may be distinguished. The largest collection 
includes the Jacob-Esau stories. Into the middle of these has been 
introduced the Jacob-Laban cycle. Both are enriched by a collection 
of traditions, originally treasured at the sanctuaries which, like Bethel, 


22 


THEIR PRESENT LITERARY FORM AND CONTENTS 


Penuel, and Mahanaim, claimed Jacob as their hero. The fourth 
cycle includes the local traditions of certain tribes which traced their 
descent from Jacob-Israel. Their connection with the other stories is 
very loose. In the tradition of Judah and Tamar in 38, for example, 
there is no reference to Jacob, and, as far as its contents and connec- 
tion with the context is concerned, it might be transferred to the book 
of Judges and joined to the primitive tribal records found in the first 
chapter. 

The character and contents of these early cycles indicate that the 
Jacob traditions were originally drawn from a great variety of sources, 
most of which were very ancient. Although adapted by the Hebrews 
so as to reflect their own relations with the Edomites, the Jacob-Esau 
stories in their original outlines appear to be pre-Israelitish. The 
same is probably true of the nucleus of the Jacob-Laban collection, 
although their form was modified in the light of the later relations be- 
tween the Hebrews and the Arameans. In common with most of the 
shrine-stories, the third cycle may be assigned to a very early period. 
The fourth collection, which is concerned with the relations between the 
Hebrew tribes and their Canaanite neighbors, may well have originated 
among the Israelites themselves. 

In the fourth and last group of stories in Genesis, 37, 39-50, Joseph 
is the chief figure. As a whole, they are far more closely knit together 
than those in the other divisions of the book. Interest is constantly 
concentrated upon the varied fortunes of one individual. Succeeding 
narratives assume the facts presented in the preceding. Few of the 
stories are entirely complete in themselves. Variant versions of the 
same traditions are not prominently in evidence; but on closer examina- 
tion at least nine distinct duplicates appear and traces of others are 
discernible. 

The atmosphere and setting are Egyptian. The story of Joseph’s 
temptation embodies elements found in the old Egyptian tale of the 
“Two Brothers” (cf. Appendix VIII.). Other individual stories may 
have been suggested by Egyptian and earlier Semitic models, but the 
point of view throughout and the character of Joseph himself are dis- 
tinctly Hebrew. 

The book of Exodus introduces a new type of narrative. Instead of 
tribal traditions in the form of personal biographies and family chroni- 
cles, it records the experiences of an incipient nation. Interest still 
centres about an individual (Moses), who stands as the representative 
of the period; but henceforth it is the unfolding life of the Hebrew 
people which gives unity to the different stories. As a result, the nar- 
rative becomes more connected and the traditions more homogeneous. 
They are also, for the most part, of native rather than of foreign 
origin. Duplicate versions of the same incidents are common. Of the 
more important events there are usually three distinct accounts, which 
agree in general, but differ decidedly in details and point of view. 

Exodus consists of eight groups of narratives, which relate to: (1) 


23 


Origin 


The 
Joseph 
stories 


Origin 


Genera] 
charac- 
teristics 
of Ex- 
odus 


Literary 
analysis 


Nature 
of the 
contents 


Relation 
of Num- 
bers to 
the rest 
of the 
Penta- 
teuch 


Literary 
analysis 


Charac- 
ter of 
the con- 
tents 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


the bondage of the Hebrews in Egypt and the rise of the deliverer 
Moses, 1'-77; (2) the plagues and wonders, 7°-12*°; (3) the exodus, 
1257-1521; (4) the journey from the Red Sea to Sinai, 15”-18; (5) the 
covenant and giving of the law at Sinai, 19-24; (6) directions regarding 
the construction of the tabernacle and the consecration of priests, 
25-31; (7) the apostasy of the people and renewal of the broken tables 
of the law, 32-34; (8) the making of the tabernacle and the visible en- 
trance of Jehovah’s glory, 35-40. 

In the first half of the book the interest is in the history of the Israel- 
ites, but in the second half it is fixed upon their laws and institutions, 
and the historical narratives are introduced simply to furnish a setting 
for the legal material. Transitions are often abrupt, and there is very 
little connection between the different groups of traditions, especially 
in the second part of the book. Some reflect the point of view and aims 
of the patriotic prophet; while others reveal the very different interests 
of the priest and the legalist. 

In connection with the divine revelation at Sinai, recorded in Ex. 19, 
20, are placed the great body of Israel’s laws, found in Exodus, Leviti- 
cus, and Numbers. Leviticus contains no narrative material; but Num- 
bers, like Exodus, consists of mingled laws and traditions. The laws 
and precedents in Numbers 1-10" are the natural continuation of the 
legal material in Exodus 35-40 and Leviticus; while the rest of the book 
is the immediate sequel to Jehovah’s promise to lead his people, recorded 
in Exodus 33. 

In its present arrangement the book of Numbers falls into four 
divisions: (1) 11-10", the census, arrangement of the camp, and certain 
laws and regulations given at Sinai; (2) 10-20%, events and laws 
associated with Kadesh, and the adjacent wilderness; (3) 20-27”, 
events, connected with the march from Kadesh and the conquest of the 
east-Jordan territory, and the appointment of Joshua as Moses’s suc- 
cessor; (4) 28-36, laws and regulations promulgated on the plains of 
Moab. The plan of arrangement is therefore primarily geographical 
— incidents and institutions associated by tradition with the same 
locality being loosely joined together. 

The groups of laws in Numbers stand by themselves. The individual 
traditions reflect different purposes and points of view. Three accounts 
of the more important events, like the sending out of the spies, or the 
smiting of the rock at Meribah, can readily be distinguished. The 
book represents a period of approximately forty years (cf. 11, 10", 
33°). The events centre about Sinai, the arrival at Kadesh, and the 
journey to the east-Jordan. There is little concerning the traditional 
forty years of wandering. ‘The connection between the different nar- 
ratives is not close. ‘The book contains rather a collection of individual 
scenes in the life of the Hebrew people, selected to conserve either a 
religious or a legal purpose. 

‘The immediate sequel to the announcement of Moses’s death and the 
appointment of Joshua as his successor in Numbers 27" is the account 


2k 


THEIR PRESENT LITERARY FORM AND CONTENTS 


of the death of the great leader in Deuteronomy 34. The closing scene 
of Moses’s life furnishes the setting of a large body of laws (Num. 
28-36 and Dt. 5-26, 28). The legal code of Deuteronomy is prefaced 
by two condensed retrospects, placed in the mouth of Moses: the one, 
1°-3", covering the period from the departure of the Hebrews from 
Horeb to their arrival in Moab, and the other, 98-10", the apostasy at 
Sinai and the incidents immediately following (Ex. 32-34). These 
simply reproduce the facts already presented in the prophetic narra- 
tives of Exodus and Numbers. Sometimes entire verses are transcribed 
word for word. While the résumés of the wilderness history add prac- 
tically no new data, they are exceedingly valuable in determining the 
original order of the events. 

Although the book of Joshua is placed in the Jewish canon, not under 
The Law, but at the beginning of the second collection, The Prophets, 
it is not an appendix, but rather the sequel, to the books which precede. 
The different threads of narrative, which run through them, all re- 
appear. 

Originally it constituted one of the sections of that extended history, 
which began with the creation and ended with the capture of Jerusalem 


by the Babylonians (Gen.—II. Kgs.). It was probably classified under 5 


The Prophets because, with a few exceptions (e. g., 20°°), it contains 
no laws, and, above all, because, unlike the first five books, it was not 
associated by the later Jews, who made the different collections, with 
the authoritative name of Moses. Its classification under The 
Prophets is in general felicitous, for, although it contains no oral 
prophecies except the addresses in the mouth of Joshua, it consists for 
‘the most part of stories, drawn from Israel’s traditions to illustrate 
and enforce vital prophetic teachings. 

Its theme is the conquest and establishment of the Hebrews in 
Canaan, and its title, like that of many of the historical books, is the 
name of the chief figure and representative of the epoch and movement 
which it records. 

Its plan of arrangement is partially chronological and partially ac- 
cording to theme. It includes: (1) traditions regarding the conquest, 
1-12; (2) accounts of the distribution of the land of Canaan, 13-22; 
(3) Joshua’s farewell addresses, 23, 24. It shows at every point the 
marks of careful editorship. It opens with a general introduction 
(chap. 1), and contains several editorial summaries (e. g., 12). 

The first group of traditions, 1-12, traces the fortunes of the Israel- 
ites from the time they left the east-Jordan until they were masters of 
Canaan. Minor inconsistencies and differences in literary style point 
to earlier duplicate versions of the same incidents; but the history, as a 
whole, moves on logically without serious breaks, each succeeding narra- 
tive leading up to the others, until all of Israel’s foes are vanquished. 
In conclusion, there is a long detailed list of the kings conquered, each 
entered in successive lines with the total at the bottom, as in an account 
book, 12 (cf. § 116, note). The statements which figure so prominently 


25 


Narra- 
tive por- 
tions of 
Deuter- 
onomy 


Place of 
Joshua 
in the 
Bible 


Theme 


Literary 
analysis 


Joshua 
1-12 


Joshua 
13-22 


Joshua 
23, 24 


General 
charac- 
ce 


18) 
Judges 


Literary 
analysis 


Judges 
{1-36 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


in Judges 1, that most of the cities of Canaan remained in the possession 
of the Canaanites, find no place in this carefully harmonized division 
of the book. 

The second group describes the territory assigned and occupied by 
the different tribes. Certain passages (e. g., 13‘) contain statements 
that not all the land of Canaan was conquered; but the rest assume that 
the only problem remaining was its equable division. Duplicate and 
variant accounts of the assignment of territory are also found. Chap- 
ters 23 and 24 contain two very different versions of Joshua’s farewell 
address, the one hortatory, the other an exalted and instructive review 
of the past experiences of the nation. Their relationship to the sim- 
ilar addresses, attributed to Moses in Deuteronomy, and to the sermons 
of an Amos or Jeremiah is very close. 

The opening words of Judges, Now it came to pass after the death of 
Joshua, were probably intended by the one who wrote them to convey 
the impression that the book was the sequel to Joshua; but its contents 
demonstrate that many of the incidents which it records were contem- 
porary. In the first chapter, for example, is found a brief primitive 
account of the invasion of Canaan by the different tribes. Several 
verses are identical with the corresponding accounts of the conquest in 
Joshua (cf., e. g., Judg. 1%” 1- and Josh. 15"; Judg. 1% and Josh. 
15°). The rest of the book is devoted to a description of the victories 
by which the individual tribes gained and maintained their local su- 
premacy. Parallel accounts of the same events are often found. 
While the different stories are loosely fitted into a chronological frame- 
work, it becomes evident on examination that they are neither continuous 
nor closely connected. They rather contain flash-light pictures of the 
more important actors and events in that stirring period when the 
Hebrews were not only securing homes in Canaan, but also gaining 
valuable experiences which were absolutely necessary before they could 
crystallize into a nation. Later generations styled the popular leaders 
judges (cf. § 135), and consequently the period and book are called 
that of the Judges. The period of conquest and settlement is a more 
exact title. The epoch corresponded in many ways to the colonial 
period in American history. 

The book of Judges consists of three unequal groups of narratives: 
(1) a brief account of the conquests and location of the different tribes, 
1'-2°; (2) stories regarding the Hebrew deliverers and the gradual 
establishment and consolidation of the tribes, 2°-16%4; (3) an appendix, 
containing the account of the migration of the Danites and establish- 
ment of their sanctuary, and the crime of the Gibeathites and its pun- 
ishment, 17-21. The book at once suggests careful and repeated edit- 
ing. In a sense, it is complete and stands apart by itself. 

Instead of merely continuing the narratives of Joshua and the Penta- 
teuch, 1*-2° presents a summary of the events following the crossing of 
the Jordan until the tribes had gained a foothold in the territory which 
each later possessed. This is followed in 2°-3° by a detailed introduc- 


26 


THEIR PRESENT LITERARY FORM AND CONTENTS 


tion to the second group of stories which constitutes the real book of 
Judges, 37-16%. 

In 24-9 are formulated the lessons which the editor, who combined 
the stories, drew from them. They are that, when the Israelites were 
unfaithful to Jehovah and worshipped other gods, he punished them at 
the hands of their heathen neighbors; but, when his people repented, 
he raised champions who delivered them. Fach narrative is fitted into 
a setting which embodies this religious philosophy of history, even 
though the contents of the primitive stories do not always confirm this 
theory. To this same framework also belong the statements regarding 
the duration of the rule of each judge or deliverer. It is assumed that 
they ruled over all Israel] and that their reigns were in succession, 
although the original stories make it perfectly clear that the judges 
were local deliverers, often contemporaneous with each other, and that 
the extent of their territory was very different from that of the kings 
of a later day. 

The stories in the appendix, 17-21, are very loosely joined to the rest 
of the book and, like 11-2°, do not appear to have been an original part 
of it. Furthermore, they differ from those which precede in that their 
interest is in religious and ethical institutions rather than in political 
events. 

It is not difficult to infer from their character and contents what was 
the origin of the stories in Judges. They were at first the possessions 
of the different clans or tribes, which figure in them, and they kept 
alive the memory of the deeds of the tribal champions. Different tradi- 
tions were doubtless cherished at different centres. Ehud was the local 
hero of Gilgal. Deborah and Barak apparently belonged to the tribe of 
Issachar (cf. note § 139); Gideon and Abimelech to Ophrah and 
Shechem; Jephthah to Mizpah in Gilead. The character of the Sam- 
son stories proclaims that they were the possession of the common peo- 
ple, especially of southwestern Canaan. The union of all the tribes 
gave a universal value to these popular records of an almost pre-historic 
age. Later editors, who employed them with a view to influencing the 
national conscience, naturally read back into this early period the ideas 
and institutions of their day, but they carefully preserved the integrity 
of the original narratives as they found them. The result is that the 
book of Judges is a bundle of tribal traditions, some of them antedat- 
ing the birth of the Hebrew kingdom and presenting marvellously 
realistic portraits of the nation in the making. 

Ruth is one of the few books in the Old Testament which constitutes 
a single, literary unit. Its contents, as well as its position in the Greek 
Old Testament, strongly suggest that it was once a part of the appen- 
dix to the book of Judges, 17-21, for, like the stories found there, it is 
concerned not with political but with religious and social themes. 

Whether this be true or not (cf. § 134), it seems exceedingly proba- 
ble that Judges 17-21 and Ruth are from a little cycle of stories origi- 
nally treasured at Bethlehem of Judah. It is significant that each is 


27 


The 
didactic 
teaching 
of the 
book 


Ulti- 
mate 
origin of 
the tra- 
ditions 


in 
Judges 


Book of 
uth 


Origin 


Evi- 
dence of 
compila- 
tion 


Indica- 
tions 
which 
led to 
the dis- 
covery 
of the 
original 
groups 
of narra- 
tives 


The 
work of 
discov- 
ery 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


intimately associated with that important southern town. In Judges 17 
it is repeatedly stated that the young Levite, who became the priest of 
Micah the Ephraimite and later presided at the sanctuary of Dan, was 
from Bethlehem of Judah. The victim of the lust of the Gibeathites in 
Judges 19 was from the same place, and the opening scene in the trag- 
edy is located there. It is also distinctly stated that the husband and 
mother-in-law of Ruth were from Bethlehem of Judah (1» ”), and most 
of the story finds its setting in this famous little town. It is fortunate, 
therefore, that the Latin and English translators followed the Greek in 
placing it immediately after Judges. 

This general survey has incidentally revealed a few of the many and 
complex data which must be considered in formulating a working 
hypothesis regarding the history and present relations of the different 
narratives found in the Old Testament. The evidence is convincing 
that the first seven books, like most of those found in the Bible and the 
writings which come to us from the Orient, are the result of compila- 
tion—that is, their different parts have been derived from older sources, 
oral and written, and combined in the order in which they now appear. 
The presence of scores of duplicate versions of the same story, some of 
which agree almost verbatim, while others differ radically in language, 
style, general representation and point of view, confirms the testimony 
of the history that not one but several distinct writers or groups of 
writers first put these variant versions of the oral traditions into liter- 
ary form. Furthermore, when they are carefully examined, certain 
stories are found to share in common the same linguistic, stylistic, 
sociological, and theological characteristics. Together they constitute 
a connected, consistent narrative, which, as a whole, is parallel to and 
yet radically distinct from certain other continuous narratives, which 
consist likewise of groups of homogeneous stories. 

As is well known, the first fact to attract the attention of careful 
biblical scholars was that, in certain sections, God (Elohim) was always 
used as the designation of the Deity, while in others only Jehovah 
(Yahweh). Further examination demonstrated that the narratives thus 
related consistently employed similar synonyms, such as Jacob, Horeb, 
and Midianite, while another group of stories used others, such as 
Israel, Sinai, and Ishmaelite. In addition to words, a long list of 
idioms and stylistic peculiarities was discovered to be characteristic of 
each of the different groups. These literary watermarks were in time 
found to be but the surface indications of more fundamental points of 
likeness and difference, involving method of representation, conceptions 
of the Deity, and didactic purpose. 

For at least four centuries the scholars of Christendom have devoted 
much of their attention to collecting and interpreting the extensive and 
complex data. Many different hypotheses have been propounded to 
explain the facts and have in turn been modified in the light of addi- 
tional evidence. Gradually the general conclusions, which are now 


almost universally held by critical students in all Christian lands, have 


28 


THEIR PRESENT LITERARY FORM AND CONTENTS 


been formulated. The list of those who have made important contribu- 
tions to the final results is now exceedingly long. 
The conclusions are not those of an individual, nor of a school, nor 


Value of 
the re- 


even of one generation of scholars. They are based not on theories, sults 


nor on the often fanciful traditions of Jewish rabbis or early church 
fathers, but on the solid basis of the facts presented by the Old Testa- 
ment books themselves. ‘They are in turn substantiated by the inde- 
pendent testimony of history and comparative literature. It is safe, 
therefore, to regard them as no longer on trial or under suspicion, but 
rather as the foundations—as sure as enlightened human insight and 
scientific method can discover—upon which Old Testament interpreta- 
tion and doctrine are in the future to rest. 

The first of these general conclusions is that the crystallization of 
the Old Testament traditions into literary form was gradual and pro- 
gressive and that the different collections of homogeneous narratives 
are the work of four distinct groups or schools of writers who flourished 
at different periods in Israel’s history. The second is that the present 
arrangement of the stories is the result, first of the close amalgamation 
of extracts from the two older prophetic groups and then of their being 
combined with the late prophetic and very late priestly narratives. 
The third is that these composite histories have been supplemented at 
different stages by later additions and harmonistic and editorial notes. 
Thus their literary is nearly as long and fully as complex as their oral 
history. 

As is well known, Tatian, the pupil of Justin Martyr, in the second 
Christian century, bonecived and executed the plan of combining our 
four gospels into one continuous narrative. Similar subject-matter he 
introduced but once. Ordinarily when there were two variant versions, 
he adopted the fuller, or where each presented independent details he 
combined verses or parts of verses from one with similar selections from 
others. Sometimes parallel passages are introduced in sequence. Cer- 
tain minor inconsistencies he eliminated, others he ignored. Sometimes 
he added a few words to bring the different narratives into harmony. 
Elsewhere he transposed verses and stories. Thus, for example, fol- 
lowing the first three gospels, he transferred the Johannine account of 
the cleansing of the temple (Jn. 2°"°) from the beginning of Jesus’s 
ministry to his final visit to Jerusalem. Great care is exercised not to 
leave out any fresh material. Consequently two-thirds of the first three 
and all of the fourth gospel have been included. The result is an ex- 
ceedingly complex, composite gospel.* If this work had succeeded in so 
completely supplanting the original four gospels that they had been 
completely lost, New Testament scholars would have been confronted 
by a precisely similar, although somewhat more difficult problem than 
that presented by the first seven books of the Old Testament. 


* Cf. article on ‘‘Tatian’s Diatessaron and the Analysis of the Pentateuch,”’ by Professor G. F. 


Moore in Journal of Bib. Lit., 1890, pp. 201-215; Carpenter and Harford Battersby, Hezxateuch, I, 
8-11; Hill, The Earliest Life ‘of Christ, 1894; Hogg, Ante-Nicene Christian Library, 1897. 


29 


The 
three 
basal 
conclu- 
sions 


The 
New 
Testa- 
pers 
analogy: 
Tatian’s 
Diates- 
saron 


The 
problem 
of Old 
esta- 
ment 
analysis 


Practi- 
cal re- 
éults of 
the 


analysis 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


Fortunately in the case of the Old Testament, the individual charac- 
teristics of the four originals are more marked, the amalgamation is not 
so close, the transpositions are not many, and more duplicate versions of 
the same incidents have been retained. Similar reverence for the writ- 
ten word and a corresponding desire to preserve everything which con- 
tained additional material explain why, after the analysis has been 
made, the four resulting narratives are each approximately complete. 
If they should be discovered in their original form, it is possible that 
they would add little to our present knowledge. Like the one-third of 
the synoptic gospels, which is omitted by Tatian, the remaining parts 
would probably be found to consist of exceedingly close parallels to the 
versions which have been retained. 

Thus, as a result of the work of more than two centuries of biblical 
scholarship, we have to-day, instead of one, four parallel historical nar- 
ratives in the Old, as well as in the New Testament. A modern history 
of the Hebrew people rests therefore not on one but four corner-stones. 
Variations and contradictions no longer produce doubt and alarm, when 
their true explanation is understood, any more than they do in the case 
of the four gospels. Above all, the critical historian is able to avail 
himself of the testimony of witnesses who lived many centuries before 
the completion of the books in which their writings are now embodied. 
When the analysis has disclosed the different narratives, they can be 
studied in their original literary simplicity and unity, free from the 
abrupt transitions and seeming inconsistencies which characterize them 
in their present form. Only when the older is distinguished from the 
later, it is possible intelligently and constructively to trace the marvel- 
lous unfolding of Israel’s faith and of that noble moral and religious 
sense which made the Hebrews a race of prophets. 


30 


IV 


CHARACTERISTICS, DATES, AND HISTORY OF THE DIF- 
FERENT PROPHETIC AND PRIESTLY NARRATIVES 


1, The Judean Prophetic Narratives 


Tue oldest homogeneous narratives in the Old Testament are conven- 
tionally designated as the Judean, Jehovistic prophetic. They are called 
the Judean because their authors are especially interested in Judah and 
acquainted with the details of the tribal and local history of the south- 
ern kingdom; Jehovistic, because Jehovah is almost universally em- 
ployed as the designation of the Deity; and prophetic, because the pre- 
vailing point of view and aim throughout are those of the earlier 
prophets. Of these three distinguishing designations, Jehovistic is per- 
haps the least exact, for the name Jehovah is prevailingly employed in 
the other narratives after the revelation to Moses, recorded in Exodus 
8 (cf. § 61). For practical use the title Judean prophetic narratives 
is sufficiently distinctive and at the same time clearly intelligible. 

These narratives open with the brief account of the creation of man 


and of his temptation and fall in the garden of Eden (Gen. 24-3). ¢ 


They then trace by means of distinct stories the beginning of human 
_ civilization and moral degeneracy, which in time make necessary the 
divine judgment and the new beginning inaugurated by the flood. 
These, with the popular traditions regarding the origin of the nations 
(Gen. 10, 11), serve as an introduction to the detailed stories of the 
patriarchs. Beginning in the first chapter of Exodus, the Judean nar- 
ratives present concisely and graphically each important event in the 
life of the Hebrews in Egypt, in the wilderness, and finally in the land 
of Canaan. In the form of more or less closely connected stories, they 
thus furnish a complete history of Israel from the creation to at least 
the death of David. They are found in Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, 
Deuteronomy 34, Joshua, Judges, and Samuel-Kings (for details cf. 
Table of Contents, first column), and represent more than one-third of 
the total contents of these books. 

A comprehensive purpose runs through and binds together all the 
Judean prophetic stories: it is to trace from its remotest beginnings, 
and on its every side, the history of the covenant people of Jehovah. 
The historical motive is much more prominent than in the other groups 
of narratives. Everything which concerns the nation Israel, whether 
it be the primitive origin of the arts, or of its neighbors, or of its insti- 
tutions, or the achievements of its champions, here finds a place. The 
oldest traditions in the possession of the race are incorporated, irrespec- 
tive of their origin, provided they throw light upon Israel’s early life, 


31 


Origin 
of the 
name 


Scope 
nd 


contents 


Purpose 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


and Jehovah’s relation to his people. All classes and institutions, 
secular and ceremonial, are presented with equal impartiality; and 
events in the history of the northern kingdom are treated almost as 
fully as those of the southern. The point of view and purpose of the 
patriotic prophet are also revealed in that deep, broad religious philoso- 
phy of history which underlies and finds expression in many of the 
narratives. The opening stories are in reality the history of the origin 
and consequences of sin, as illustrated in the life of primitive man. 
The individual incidents and Israel’s history, as it is presented in its 
entirety, unobtrusively, yet powerfully, proclaim those germinal truths 
regarding Jehovah’s character and gracious rule which later teachers 
expounded by word of mouth. At certain critical points in the history 
are also introduced those inspired interpretations of the divine purpose 
being realized in it, which are peculiar to the prophets (cf. Gen. 3”, 
5%, 97, go, 12%. 3, 18% 1). Thus in a most effective manner the 
Judean narratives conserve the exalted aims of the patriotic historian 
and the devoted prophet. 

Literary The literary style is singularly free and flowing. There is nothing 

“wie of the repetitiousness and formality of the priest. The stories move 
on rapidly to the climax; the characters are sketched distinctly, but with 
a few strokes. Dialogues are frequent, and especially effective in pre- 
senting in concise, vivid form the salient elements of the story. The 
vocabulary is as picturesque and dramatic as the style. It is also large 
and diversified. Onomatopoetic words are constantly employed. Sol- 
emn plays upon words abound. Quotations from ancient songs are fre- 
quently introduced. The many expressions peculiar to this source, as, 
for example, “a land flowing with milk and honey,” or “Jehovah’s 
anger was kindled,” are also exceedingly picturesque (cf. Appendix II. 
for words and expressions peculiar to the Judean narratives). The 
result is that many of the Judean stories are prose poems, unsurpassed 
in simple literary beauty by anything in the Old Testament. 

General Many general characteristics distinguish the Judean prophetic 

charac- ; 

teristics narratives. ‘Thus, for example, they usually call the ancient inhabi- 
tants of Palestine Canaanites, the sacred mountain Sinai, and the tradi- 
tional father of the twelve tribes, Israel. Great interest is also shown 
in the popular etymologies of the names of persons and places. On 
the other hand, little attention is paid to genealogy and chronology. 

Concep- The religious conceptions are also equally distinctive. Jehovah is 

Jehovah not portrayed merely as a Spirit, far removed from intimate contact 
with human affairs, but as a Being, who walks in the garden of Eden in 
the cool of the day (Gen. 3°), who comes down to see with his eyes the 
tower of Babel (11°), who goes to investigate personally the guilt of 
Sodom (18%), who comes to deliver Israel from its bondage (Ex. 3°), 
and who descends upon Mount Sinai to speak by word of mouth to his 
people (19 *® *, 34°). Sometimes he reveals himself through his Mes- 
senger (Gen. 16", 24” *), or through the burning thorn bush (Ex. 3°), or 
in the pillar of cloud and fire (13"1). The language is that of the in- 


32 


THE JUDEAN PROPHETIC NARRATIVES 


spired poet rather than of the theologian. Although the terms employed 
to describe the Deity are inherited from a primitive, naive stage in hu- 
man thought, the God therein described is full of majesty and dignity. 
He rules supreme over Egypt and Israel’s neighbors as he did in the 
garden of Eden and at the flood. His purpose determines the history of 
the Edomites and Ishmaelites, as well as that of the Israelites. The as- 
scription to him of human attributes only deepens the impression that he 
is a living, present personality to be loved and obeyed by the individual 
as well as by the covenant nation. The simplicity and naturalness of 
the theological conceptions of these early narratives are among the 
most fertile sources of their charm and dramatic beauty; and, after all, 
it is only through the study of man, the reflection and image of God, 
that it is possible to attain a definite conception of the Infinite, and to 
describe those divine attributes which appeal most strongly to the 
human heart. The authors of the later narratives in eliminating the 
anthropomorphisms gained something, but they divested their stories 
of that personal element which is one of the chief attractions of the 
older traditions. 

The conception of Jehovah’s personal presence is the foundation of 
the ethical teachings of the Judean narratives. Right and wrong are 
not measured by conformity to abstract principles or specific laws; 
they depend upon whether the individual or nation has faithfully met 
the demands of the divine Friend and Patron. Ethics are thus placed 
upon a concrete, personal basis. Abraham, the friend of God, is the 
type of the ideal man, because he was responsive to every indication of 
Jehovah’s will. Adam and Eve are opposite types, because they dis- 
obeyed, even though the sin inherent in the eating from the tree of 
knowledge was not apparent. To do Jehovah’s will in thought and 
deed is the whole duty of man. Thus that direct personal relation 
between God and the individual which is central in the teachings of 
Jesus is first clearly expressed in the old Judean narratives. 

Embodying as they do many very ancient traditions, it is surprising 
that their practices do not more often fall below the perfect Christian 
standards. The deceptions practised by Abraham in regard to his wife, 
the crafty devices of Jacob, and the robbery of the Egyptians (Ex. 12**) 
cannot for a moment be justified; but they are only marks of the mould 
in which the stories were originally cast. So, also, the position of 
woman, concubinage, and the treatment of heathen foes are oriental 
survivals. .That which is really characteristic is the genuine piety and 
the intense desire to do the will of God which dominates the repre- 
sentative actors in these primitive classics. 

While with the later prophets these narratives define religion as an at- 
titude toward God to be made manifest by just and loving acts, they do 
not ignore religious forms and ceremonies. Worship and sacrifice are 
assumed to have existed at the very beginnings of human history (Gen. 
4). Priests are also referred to in Exodus 19”; but they are not 
prominent. In keeping with early Hebrew usage, it is assumed that 


33 


Ethical 
stand- 
ards 


Marks of 
early 
origin 


Attitude 
toward 
early re- 
ligious 
institu- 
tions 


Real 
charac- 
ter and 
origin 


Place of 
composi- 
tion 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


any individual may offer sacrifice, although the local shrines were sup- 
posed to have their district priests (cf., e. g., Judg. 17, 18, $§ 130, 131). 
While great interest is shown in the origin of secular institutions, com- 
paratively little attention is devoted to the beginnings of ceremonial 
customs. The traditional origins of holy places, like Hebron and 
Beersheba, and of sacred objects, such as the altar at Bethel, are given 
in the stories associated with the patriarchs or else, if it be a later 
shrine, like that at Dan, in a detailed historical narrative. 

While all the Judean prophetic narratives are bound together by a 
large number of common characteristics, different stories betray differ- 
ent points of view and are often not entirely consistent with each other. 
Thus, for example, the narrative of Genesis 4'°"* knows nothing of the 
Judean story of the flood (§ 8), for it states that all nomads, musicians, 
and metal-workers were the direct descendants of the sons of the ante- 
diluvian Lamech (cf. note § 4). Some also reflect exceedingly primi- 
tive ideas and usages, while others in language and representation are 
related to the writings of a maturer age. These constantly recurring 
phenomena point to two facts: (1) that the stories in the Judean group 
were collected from many different places and originated in different 
periods. The spirit and breadth of those who put them in their present 
literary form led them to retain the peculiarities of the original oral 
tradition. (2) The Judean narratives were not (as has sometimes 
been claimed in the past) from one prophet, but rather from a school 
of prophets who worked with a common purpose, wrote from the same 
point of view, and probably from the same geographical centre, and 
influenced each other’s literary style so powerfully that they all em- 
ployed certain similar words and expressions. That they were all con- 
temporaries or even lived during the same century cannot be main- 
tained, although the bulk of their work was probably done during the 
same half century. This main body of narratives is called, for sake 
of distinction, the early Judean prophetic (technically represented sim- 
ply by J), and the subsequent additions or supplements, the later 
Judean (technically represented by J® or J’, J* or J®, J°). 

The evidence is conclusive that the other great collection of prophetic 
writings in the Old Testament came from the northern kingdom; but 
in the case of the first group the data are less obvious. Almost as much 
interest is shown in the history and sanctuaries of the North as of the 
South. On general principles, however, it is to be expected that these 
narratives, which constantly parallel and yet differ in form and details 
from those which can be traced to northern Israel, are from Judah. 
Outside tradition throws no light upon the question; but the internal 
evidence, on the whole, favors the conclusion adopted above. Thus, 
for example, great prominence is given to Abraham’s sojourning at 
Hebron. In the Joseph stories it is Judah, not Reuben, who takes the 
lead and is represented as the first-born (Gen. 37%, 438, 4416 18 $$ 45, 
52). In Genesis 49!" Judah is also assigned the position of leader- 
ship among the tribes. The strange tribal tale in Genesis 38 regarding 


34 


THE JUDEAN PROPHETIC NARRATIVES 


Judah would scarcely have been preserved except in the South. Num- 
bers 247" appears to contain an unmistakable reference to the rule and 
conquests of David. More significant still is the absence of any clear 
references to Joshua, the northern Israelitish leader, in the early 
Judean narratives. Caleb, the traditional ancestor of one of the lead- 
ing tribes of the South takes his place in the story of the spies, although 
in the parallel northern Israelitish version Joshua is assigned the chief 
role (§ 90). In the books of Samuel the interest in the Judean king- 
dom and in the house of David becomes even more obvious. The 
authors, therefore, appear to have been patriotic Judean prophets, prob- 
ably resident in Jerusalem, who wrote under the shadow of the sanctu- 
ary reared by Solomon. 

From the nature of their origin it is impossible to determine the exact 
date of the narratives. They were of gradual growth. Their roots 
extended far back to the beginnings of Hebrew and early Semitic his- 
tory. The approximate date, when the early Judean prophetic narra- 
tives were combined together in a connected writing, may, however, be 
ascertained from certain references which they contain. The general 
considerations which point to some period after the reign of David 
have already been noted (cf. p. 18). To this may be added the fact 
that not until the days of the united kingdom does the divine designa- 
tion, Jehovah, begin to take the place of the older El (as, for example, 
Samuel) in proper names. The belief, reflected in the Judean narra- 
tives, that the name Jehovah was employed universally from the earliest 
times, would naturally not arise until still later. The statement in 
Genesis 36", before any king ruled over the children of Israel, obvi- 
ously implies the existence of the Hebrew kingdom. The subjugation 
of the Canaanites, which was not complete until the days of Solomon 
(cf. I Kgs. 9*° #1), is assumed in many passages (e. g., Gen. 15). The 
boundaries of the territory assigned to the Hebrews in Genesis 15** are 
those of Solomon’s empire (I Kgs. 4°71). The allusions to the friendly 
relations between the sons of Shem and Japheth in Genesis 9” were 
probably suggested by the alliances between the Hebrews and the col- 
onizing Pheenicians in the days of David and Solomon. Not until 
David conquered Edom did the allusions in Genesis 25" and Numbers 
2418 possess a definite meaning; and the reference in Genesis 27” to 
Esau’s shaking off the yoke of Jacob seems to be to the successful revolt 
of the Edomites in the middle of the ninth century B.c. The curse 
upon the one who should rebuild Jericho in Joshua 6” also points to the 
same century, when Hiel the Bethelite laid the foundation of Jericho 
mith the loss of his first-born (I Kgs. 164). The account of the 
relations between Jacob and Laban seems to reflect the protracted wars 
between the Hebrews and the Arameans in the days following the death 
of Solomon. The spirit of the Judean narratives, however, is that of 
the ancient monarchy. They reflect the old hostilities with the Edom- 
ites and Moabites. They give no indications of the suspicious attitude 
toward the high places and popular forms of worship which begins to 


35 


Date of. 
composi 
tion 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


find expression in the sermons of Amos, Hosea, and Isaiah during the 
latter part of the eighth century B.c., and which in 621 B.c. led to the 
sweeping reformation of Josiah. The conceptions of Jehovah and of 
his demands are those of the century before Amos. Such passages as 
Amos 2° !, Hosea 12% * 1 #8, 91°, and Micah 6* °, contain references to 
the traditions recorded in the Judean narratives. Thus the evidence of 
history and later literature points to the century between 850 and 750 
B.c. as their probable date. They suggest a period of comparative 
prosperity (cf. Gen. 1518, Ex. 23°!), when the relations between the two 
Hebrew kingdoms were friendly. Such a period was that which fol- 
lowed the reformation inaugurated by Elijah and carried through in 
northern Israel by Elisha and Jehu about 842. Six years later a sim- 
ilar reformation was instituted in Judah which resulted in the over- 
throw of Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, and the heathen 
cults which she fostered. Under the leadership of Jehoiada, the priest, 
and his protégé, the young king Joash, Israelitish and prophetic princi- 
ples again gained the ascendency. It was probably under the inspira- 
tion of this reformation, that, about 825 B.c., the Judean prophets began 
their great task of writing that comprehensive history which was in- 
tended to enforce the covenant then made between Jehovah and the 
king and the people, that they should be Jehovah’s people (2 Kgs. 
1127), 

Later In order to understand its later history, it must be remembered that 

tionsto the main strand of the Judean narratives, when completed, did not pos- 


Judean” sess the authority and sanctity which were attributed to them by later 


tives. Judaism. The prophetic writings were not canonized until the fourth 
century B.c. For four centuries at least later prophets and editors 
were therefore at liberty to supplement and revise them as they thought 
best. It is probable that at first only one or, at the most, a very few 
copies were made (cf. the book of the covenant discovered in the days 
of Josiah II Kgs. 22°", and the one copy of the first edition of Jere- 
miah’s prophecies, Jer. 36). Additions would, therefore, readily gain 
equal acceptance with the original, especially if they were written in 
the same spirit and style. Divine revelation also did not cease, but 
ever became more complete, so that in reality the later possess authority 
equal to or greater than the earlier. As a matter of fact, many of the 
most deeply spiritual and helpful passages in the Old Testament are 
found in these additions. 

The The contributions of the later Judean writers took three distinct 


types of forms. In the first place, they expanded certain passages by the addi- 
tis tion of explanatory, geographical, or archeological notes. Thus the 
detailed statements regarding the river of Eden with its four branches 
in Genesis 2°" introduce an archeological motive which is foreign to 
the purpose of the original story (cf. § 2, note®). To this class proba- 
bly belong the frequently recurring list of the early inhabitants of 
Canaan (Gen. 10-8, 15191, Ex. 3% 17, 135, 93% 28. 33? 3411 Josh, 310, 
9*, 11%, 128, 2471), and explanatory statements, as, for example, that 


36 


THE EPHRAIMITE PROPHETIC NARRATIVES 


Kiriath-arba is identical with Hebron (Gen. 23’, Judg. 17°). The sec- 
ond type of additions includes the hortatory expansions which interrupt 
the sequence of thought in the early tradition and introduce a more 
spiritual teaching and a new form of expression. Illustrations of this 
type are Abraham’s exhortations in behalf of Sodom in Genesis 1817-™ 
22b-334 (note § 20) and Moses’s prayer in Exodus 34° * * (note $ 78). 
The third class comprises the later supplemental narratives. Of this 
character is the story of the murder of Abel by Cain in Genesis 4, which 
is distinct from the older tradition where Cain is represented, not as 
the guilty outlaw, but as the father of those who developed the arts of 
civilization (note § 3). Another example is the story of Abram’s de- 
ception regarding Sarai, his wife, at Pharaoh’s court, in Genesis 12°-13'. 
The characters and setting are different, but the incident is the same, 
as is told in simpler terms regarding Isaac and Rebekah at the court 
of Abimelech king of Gerar in Genesis 26 (note § 13). From the 
same later age probably come the stories in Joshua, which, contrary to 
the representation of the early Judean narratives, make Joshua the 
leader of all the tribes-in the initial conquests of Canaan (note § 106). 

It is obvious that these later additions came from different writers 
and periods. The language and spirit of the more important are those 
of the prophets of the eighth century s.c. It was probably under the 
inspiration of their teaching that the later revisers supplemented the 
earlier narratives. The prophetic account of the flood apparently re- 
flects the renewed contact with the civilization of the Tigris-EKuphrates 
valley, which resulted from the Assyrian conquest of Palestine during 
the same and the early part of the succeeding century (Appendix V.). 
The later Judean narratives may therefore be dated approximately be- 
tween 750 and 650 s.c. Thus during the century and a half preceding 
the great trials and national upheavals which came to the Hebrew peo- 
ple, certain of their prophets were in divine providence collecting the 
records of their past that illustrated those everlasting principles which 
alone would guide the nation throughout the impending crises. Al- 
though their names are unknown and their methods very different, 
their aims and influence were the same as those of Amos, Hosea, and 
Isaiah, who presented their God-given messages to their contemporaries 
by the spoken address rather than by the pen. 


2. The Ephraimite Prophetic Narratives 


The parallel homogeneous narratives are conventionally known as 
the Elohistic prophetic, the title Elohistic representing the fact that in 
all the stories antecedent to the account of the divine revelation to 
Moses, recorded in Exodus 3, the Deity is designated by the name 
Elohim (God). The same usage, however, appears in another group of 
narratives, and in the passages following Exodus 3 the name Jehovah 
is prevailingly used. The term Elohistic, therefore, is not entirely dis- 
tinctive and is also subject to the additional objection of not being 


37 


Date of 
the addi 
tions 


Origin 
of the 
name 


Scope 


and con- 


tents 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


readily understood. A more fundamentally charaeteristic and felici- 
tous designation is suggested by the fact that the interest in these narra- 
tives centres in the northern kingdom. Hebron is ignored, but the 
northern shrines, Bethel and Shechem, are especially prominent. In 
the Joseph stories Reuben, not Judah, is the leader. The Ephraimite 
hero, Joshua, is represented as the successor of Moses and the leader 
of all the tribes in the conquest of Canaan. In the hill country of 
Ephraim he assembles them for his farewell address (Josh. 24). 
Especial attention is also given to Joseph, the traditional ancestor of 
Ephraim, and to the Joseph tribes. By general consent these narra- 
tives are, therefore, traced to the northern kingdom. The name 
Ephraim, by which its greatest prophet, Hosea, constantly addressed 
northern Israel (Hos. 417, 5% © % 1-14, 6, etc.), furnishes a distinctive 
and appropriate title for the stories which represent the activity and 
teachings of the early prophets of the north. 

The Ephraimite prophetic narratives open with the divine promise 
and covenant with Abraham in Genesis 15. Subsequent references 
(Gen. 20%, Josh. 24°) suggest that they originally began with the an- 
cestry of the patriarch in Aram; but there is no evidence that, like the 
Judean, they included an introductory survey of universal history. 
Throughout the remainder of Genesis and succeeding books, probably 
even to the Elisha stories in II Kings, the Ephraimite strand runs par- 
allel to the Judean (cf. Table of Contents, second column). Regarding 
the more important events each has its distinct version. When these are 
very similar, the Judean is usually quoted more fully, with the result 
that the Ephraimite account is often curtailed. Hence, of the four dis- 
tinct groups of narratives in the Old Testament, this is by far the most 
fragmentary. It has, however, in addition to the parallels, many inci- 
dents peculiar to itself, such as the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen. 22, § 23), 
the making of the golden calf at Sinai (Ex. 32, § 78), and the appoint- 
ment of the seventy elders (Num. 111® 1% 7-0, § g@). 

In the Ephraimite narratives the didactic and religious motives are 
most prominent. Interest is focused on the ideal theocracy rather than 
on the nation. The history is concerned not so much with events as 
with the divinely chosen leaders who are instrumental in realizing 
God’s purpose in the life of his people. The prophets and their work 
overshadow that of the secular rulers and the priests. Even Abraham 
and Moses are styled prophets, and Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph on the 
threshold of death are granted visions regarding the future of their 
descendants (Gen. 27, 48, 50%). The victories and achievements of 
the theocratic people are attained not so much by human effort and 
natural means (as in the Judean), but by divine interposition. Their 
acts of apostasy, on the other hand, are punished by overwhelming dis- 
aster. The chief purpose which actuated the Ephraimite writers, 
therefore, appears to have been to show how, by submission to God’s 
rule and to the counsels of his theocratic representatives, the prophets, 
Israel in the past enjoyed peace, prosperity, and, above all, the happy 


38 


THE EPHRAIMITE PROPHETIC NARRATIVES 


assurance of divine favor, and that, when they rebelled, disaster speedily 
overtook them. The whole is an instructive retrospect, of which the 
farewell address of Joshua, in Joshua 24, is a worthy epitome. It is 
also a prophetic retrospect with an intensely practical application to 
the present and the future. 

While the analogies between the two groups of narratives, both of 
which came from schools of prophets not far removed from each other 
in place and time, and which utilize common traditions, are many and 
close, yet the characteristic points of difference are none the less strik- 
ing. In the Ephraimite, Horeb or the mountain is used instead of Sinai, 
Amorites instead of Canaanites, and Jacob instead of Israel. (For lin- 
guistic peculiarities, cf. Table of Words and Expressions Peculiar to 
the Different Narratives, Appendix II.) 

The picturesque anthropomorphisms of the Judean narratives are 
almost entirely absent; instead God reveals himself usually in dreams 
or through his angelic Messenger. The visit of the Deity to the tent 
of Abraham and the story of the wrestling at Penuel are wanting. Only 
to the great prophet Moses does he reveal himself face to face (Ex. 
$31). Ordinarily his Messenger goes before to lead the host of Israel 
(Ex. 147%). In the thick darkness of the mountain, and later, when he 
descends in the pillar of cloud at the entrance of the tent of meeting, 
God delivers his commands directly to his people. From the first, and 
ever more prominently, his prophetic spokesmen stand before the na- 
tion as the recipients of his messages and as his heralds to the people. 

The Ephraimite prophets proclaim the fact that divine revelation in 
the past was progressive, corresponding to the awakening consciousness 
of those who received it. In distinction from the Judean historians, who 
assume that Jehovah was worshipped long before the flood (Gen. 4°), 
they state repeatedly that the ancestors of the Hebrews were idolaters 
in Aram (e. g., Josh. 24°), and even report that Rachel stole her father’s 
family idols to bear them to her new home (Gen. 31!°). Abraham, how- 
ever, is represented as the worshipper of the one God, whose prophet he 
is (Gen. 20’). Conforming to the divine command, Jacob directed his 
household to put away the foreign gods that were among them (357), as 
he returned to Bethel, the scene of God’s former revelation to him. 
The final stage in the revelation is recorded in Exodus 3”, where God 
makes himself known to Moses as Jehovah. 

Their more spiritual and, on the whole, more exalted conceptions of 
the Deity, led the Ephraimite writers to purge the ancient stories of 
everything which reflected unfavorably upon the characters of their 
prophetic heroes. Thus, for example, Abraham does not expel Hagar 
until he receives a divine command to do so (Gen. 21”) ; in the story of 
the deception regarding the wife, Abraham does not utter a falsehood, 
because Sarah is indeed his sister; and God’s intervention, not Jacob’s 
questionable shrewdness, gives the patriarch success in his contest with 
Laban. 

These evidences of more advanced ethical standards and maturer 


39 


General 
charac- 
teristics 


Concep- 
tions of 
the 
Deity 


Pro- 
gressive 
revela- 
tion 


Ethical 
stand- 
ards 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


Date of conceptions of the divine character and methods of revelation point 

head clearly to a somewhat later date than the Judean narratives. The old, 
naive, poetic forms of expression have begun to disappear as the result 
of theological reflection. Half a century or a century of progressive 
revelation lies between the two main prophetic narratives. The lan- 
guage, the deep spirituality, the peculiar attitude toward the monarchy, 
and the evangelical purpose which characterize the Ephraimite, are 
shared in common with Amos and Hosea. The period in which they 
were written appears to have been one of national prosperity. The 
dreams of Joseph, the Blessing of Moses in Deuteronomy 33, and 
the predictions of Balaam in Numbers 23, reflect the victories of 
Israel and the exalted rule of the house of Joseph. These national 
expectations were realized as never before or after in the long, prosper- 
ous reign of Jeroboam IJ. (781-740 s.c.). The covenant between 
Jacob and Laban reflects the peace between northern Israel and her 
fallen foe, Aram, which was first firmly established during the earlier 
part of that reign. The holy places, such as Bethel and Shechem, and 
the sacred pillars (e. g., §$ 31, 42) are still regarded as legitimate, but 
stories, like that of the golden calf in Exodus 32, indicate that the rep- 
resentation of the Deity by images was already condemned. ‘Thus all 
the data point to the middle of the eighth century s.c. as the period in 
which the main collection of northern Israel’s traditions (technically 
designated as E.) was made. 

Later Like the Judean, the Ephraimite narratives are clearly not all from 

tions one writer or age. The influences which gave rise to the first collec- 
tion continued to operate during the next century. The northern king- 
dom fell in 722 B.c. before Assyria, so that the work of revising and 
supplementing the Ephraimite narratives seems to have fallen to the 
prophets of the south. The character of the additions (which are 
technically represented by E* or E’, E*) favors this conclusion. Less 
sympathy is shown with the sanctuaries of the north, and the prophetic 
gift is extended and given still greater prominence (cf. Num. 11, 12, 
S§ 82, 83). It is impossible to date the later Ephraimite sections with 
assurance. ‘They probably come from the first half of the seventh 
century, when the prophets, suppressed in public, worked in private, 
preparing the way for the reformation of Josiah, which reinstated them 
and the prophetic teachings regarding Jehovah. 

Unionof ‘T’o the same school of prophets is probably due the close fusion of 


the Ju- 


dean the two great prophetic groups of narratives. The combination may 


Ephra- be traced to the fact that after the fall of northern Israel its traditions, 

prophet- like the prophecy of the Ephraimite, Hosea, became the possession of 

1c narra- ee 

tives the southern prophets. The religious value of the Ephraimite narra- 
tives was recognized, but the variations from the Judean hindered 
their practical use. The motive in combining the two was doubtless the 
same as that which influenced Tatian to unite the four gospels. The 
books of Chronicles present a somewhat similar example of the fusion. 


of an older written source (Sam.-Kgs.) with later versions of the same 
40 


THE EPHRAIMITE PROPHETIC NARRATIVES 


traditions (cf. vol. II. in loco). Whether the combination was made 


at one time and by one hand or gradually cannot be definitely deter- 


mined. From the finished product it is, however, possible to ascertain 
the process to which in the providence of God is due the preservation in 
their original language of the oldest literary records in the Old Testa- 
ment. 

Ordinarily, if the versions are closely parallel, they are amalgamated, 
passages being taken in turn from each and combined, as in Tatian’s 
Diatessaron, so as to give a connected, continuous narrative, containing 
all the known facts. Only identical statements or those which were 
glaringly contradictory were omitted. Usually the Judean is followed 
more closely, as might be anticipated, since the editor or editors lived in 
the South, but there were many exceptions to this rule, especially when 
the Ephraimite version was fuller or illustrated some important re- 
ligious teaching. The surprising fact is that, when a composite story 
has been analyzed, the two resulting versions are usually nearly com- 
plete. The relative completeness of each of the great groups of narra- 
tives also shows clearly that those who combined them felt a deep rever- 
ence for their subject-matter and were eager that nothing of real value 
should be lost. Illustrations of this type of union are the blessing of 
Jacob and his departure for Aram, § 30, or Joseph’s disclosure of his 
identity, § 53. In combining, the editor sometimes uses one name of 
the Deity, where the language and ideas indicate that the source from 
which the quotation was taken employed the other. At other times he 
epitomizes the original story, or else adds a few words for the purpose 
of harmonizing the two versions. 

Sometimes the editor introduces but one of two original accounts and 
ignores the other. Thus the Ephraimite account of Abraham’s migra- 
tion from Aram, referred to in Genesis 201°, is set aside in favor of the 
Judean version in 12'**, In other cases two parallels are given entirely 
different settings, as, for example, the two accounts of the expulsion of 
Hagar in Genesis 16 and 21, or of Moses’s smiting of the rock at Meri- 
bah in Exodus 17‘? and Numbers 20 (§ 88). Also in the process of 
combination, verses, and even sections, were sometimes transposed or 
assigned to a different position in harmony with the editor’s conception 
of the order of events. 

The evidence is not conclusive, but it favors the probability that the 
author of the introductions to the book of Deuteronomy was acquainted 
with the Judean and Ephraimite narratives in their combined form. 
Other indications suggest that the work of writing them was certainly 
complete before the Babylonian exile. It appears to have been a part 
of that signal prophetic and literary activity which centred about the 
reformation of Josiah. It may, therefore, be dated between 650 and 
621 s.c. Probably not at once, but before long it largely superseded 
the originally independent versions of the Judean and Ephraimite nar- 
ratives (cf., however, p. 46). 


41 


Fusion 
of two 
parallel 
versions 


Substi. 
tutions 
and 
transpo 
sitions 


Date of 
the 


fusion 


Charac- 
teristics 
and date 


Deutero- 
nomic or 
late pro- 
phetic 
editorial 
activity 


In Josh- 
ua and 
Judges 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


3. The Late Prophetic or Deuteronomic Narratives 


Tt is now generally recognized that from the same period came the 
reformulation and readaptation of Israel’s laws to new conditions, 
which constitute the body of the book of Deuteronomy (cf. vol. IV., 
Introd.). This appears to have included Deuteronomy 5-26, 28*. 
Chapters 5-11 contain a hortatory introduction to the laws which fol- 
low. The superscription to this original book of the covenant, which 
was probably substantially identical with the law book found in the 
temple and accepted by Josiah in behalf of the people, is found in 
4%, 48 The retrospect of the experiences of the Israelites in their jour- 
neying from Horeb to the plains of Moab in 1°-3” is the logical, if not 
the original sequel of the account of the sin at Horeb in 9”-10". The 
language indicates that this retrospect is from the same school of 
writers as the rest of Deuteronomy, but there are fundamental differ- 
ences in the representation regarding the history, which indicate that 
they cannot be from the same author or date ( cf., e. g., 1° °°, 27° with 
57, 11%"). They are based upon the prophetic narratives in Exodus 
and Numbers, the Ephraimite being followed almost exclusively. 
Their exact date and origin is still in doubt. Their connection with the 
rest of Deuteronomy, as has been noted, is not close. The retrospect 
appears to be a product of that late prophetic motive which produced 
the similar reviews found in the later Ephraimite narratives (cf. p. 40). 
It may be dated approximately about 550 s.c., when in the enforced 
leisure of the Babylonian exile the religious teachers of the Israelitish 
race drew from their past history those lessons and messages of encour- 
agement which guided them through doubts and temptations to the 
destiny awaiting them. 

To the same school of writers are due many additions to the combined 
Judean-Ephraimite history. In Genesis, Exodus, and Numbers these 
consist simply of occasional verses. The great work of this Deutero- 
nomic or late prophetic school was the union of Deuteronomy with the 
older prophetic narratives which we now find in the preceding books. 
It was a part of the greater task of collecting, arranging, and combin- 
ing the earlier writings of their race which commanded the attention of 
a devoted body of prophets during the Babylonian exile. Since they 
constantly employ the expressions and emphasize the ideas peculiar to 
Deuteronomy, they are technically called the Deuteronomic editors (and 
are represented by R*). The designation late prophetic distinguishes 
their work from that of the early and later Judean and Ephraimite 
writers. 

The present arrangement of Joshua, Judges, and Samuel-Kings is 
chiefly due to them. The introduction in Joshua 1 and the résumés 
(e. g., in 12) are from a late prophetic editor, as well as many explana- 
tory and hortatory passages scattered throughout the first part of the 
book. In Judges the late prophetic introduction to the Deuteronomic 
edition of that book is found in 2°-3®. The framework, into which the 


42 


THE LATE PRIESTLY NARRATIVES 


older stories of Israel’s champions are fitted, is also from the same 
editor. ‘The work of these late prophetic writers, who, like the 
Ephraimite, were interested, not in the monarchy nor in Israel’s history 
as such, but in the realization of the ideal theocracy in which Jehovah’s 
will should rule supreme, is also traceable throughout Samuel-Kings. 


4. The Late Priestly Narratives 


The intense and fruitful activity of the prophets during the exile was 
equalled by that of the priests. For the majority of those whose an- 
cestors were carried to Babylon the exile did not end until Nehemiah 
by his devoted patriotism rebuilt the walls of Jerusalem and funda- 
mentally reconstructed the Jewish community in Palestine, making pos- 
sible the great reformation of 400 B.c., like that of Josiah two centuries 
before, sealed by the solemn acceptance of the regulations laid down in 
the new law book. That new law book, brought by Ezra from Baby- 
lonia, represented the adaptation of the older institutions, trace- 
able to the age of Moses, to the entirely new conditions and conceptions 
introduced by the Babylonian exile (cf. vol. IV., Introd.). Like the 
authors of the Deuteronomic code, they also in time provided it with 
an historical introduction, which gave the traditional setting of the laws 
as a whole and their conceptions of the origin of the priestly institu- 
tions. The simple designation priestly narratives (technically repre- 
sented by P) distinguishes these from the earlier prophetic. 

The priestly history begins with the later account of the creation 
(Gen. 11-2**) which in turn gives the traditional origin of the institu- 
tion of the sabbath. This is connected by means of the genealogical 
list in Genesis 5 with the priestly version of the flood-story, which in- 
troduces the new covenant symbolized by the rainbow (9'"”). The 
patriarchal history is told in bare outlines, the narrative is expanded 
to give the detailed account of the covenant with Abraham, which in 
turn represented the traditional origin of the institution of circum- 
cision (Gen. 17). The brief record of the oppression in Egypt cul- 
minates in the revelation to Moses of the divine name, Jehovah, re- 
counted in Exodus 6. The wonders whereby Jehovah convinced 
Pharaoh of his omnipotence and the miraculous deliverance from Egypt 
are presented in a homogeneous, continuous narrative. The zenith of 
the priestly history is reached in the revelation at Sinai which furnishes 
the setting for all the priestly laws found in Exodus, Leviticus, and 
Numbers. In the brief outline of the wilderness wandering, and there- 
fore associated with Moses, is given the priestly origin of certain in- 
stitutions, such as the law of the distribution of the spoils of war (Num. 
31). The conclusion of the priestly narratives is found in the second 
half of Joshua and tells in detail of the conquest and allotment of the 
land of Canaan among the Hebrew tribes. Beyond that point the orig- 
inal priestly narratives did not go. Only rare cases of priestly editorial 
activity can be discovered in the subsequent books. From the same 


43 


Ori 
of the 
name 


™|™ 


cope 
and con 
tents 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


general point of view, but from a still later date, the books of Chronicles 
carry on the history of the priestly institutions. 

Purpose Poetry, thrilling narratives, and national achievement have no at- 
tractions for the priestly narrators. The monarchy of the Judean and 
the ideal theocracy of the Ephraimite prophets had each yielded their 
place to the hierocracy, which, in the days of Ezra and later, ceased to 
be a dream and became a reality. The chief purpose of the priestly 
writers was to trace the origin of the institutions that constituted the 
corner-stones of that hierocracy which they regarded, in common with 
later Judaism, as the goal and complete fulfilment of the divine pur- 

ose. 

Varia- - The commanding personality of Moses, great in reality and so repre- 

tions in . . : : : : 

repre- sented in the oldest prophetic narratives, assumes in the priestly still 
tiondue more ‘Titanic proportions and overshadows all antiquity. Abraham, 

Jewish, Joseph, and Joshua are insignificant beside him. With the exception 

pontet of the sabbath and circumcision, all of Israel’s laws and institutions, 

we’ from the earliest to the latest, are ‘traced directly to him. Viewed 
through the medium of the seven or eight intervening centuries, events, 
as well as the actors, in that primitive period are magnified. A detailed 
comparison between the older and later versions of the same traditions 
shows that in many cases the simple, natural representation of the earlier 
narratives has been replaced by a story abounding in the supernatural. 
The numbers mount from hundreds to thousands; thus, for example, 
instead of the constant sense of want, which characterizes the oldest 
stories regarding the wilderness period, the Israelites are required to 
offer at each passover two hundred thousand male lambs of the first 
year. It is needless to multiply examples. The exaggerations and 
inconsistencies, which are characteristic of these narrations, have often 
been held up for derision by hostile critics of the Bible. To deny their 
existence is as futile as it is unnecessary, when their real place in the 
literary history of the Old Testament is understood. The Babylonian 
exile severed the vital connection with Israel’s past. At the same time 
the harsh, unnatural conditions amidst which the Jews found themselves 
Jed them, unconsciously and inevitably to idealize that past. They pro- 
jected their ambitions and aspirations backward as well as forward. 
Like the author of the books of Chronicles, they also soon believed in 
all sincerity that the ceremonial institutions, which in their own day 
they cherished so dearly, originated at the beginning of their national 
history; although, if they had read their earlier records carefully, they 
would have been confronted with a vast array of proof that their cus- 
toms and laws had unfolded gradually. Like most of the teachers of 
later Judaism, they were not, however, critical historians, but devoted 
lovers of the law and ritual. The traditions current in their day ap- 
pealed to them far more strongly and were held to be more authoritative 
than the ancient prophetic narratives. The charge which Jesus 
brought against the apostles of the legalism in his day was that they 
treasured the traditions of the fathers above the law of Moses. The 


44 


THE LATE PRIESTLY NARRATIVES 


exaggerations and inconsistencies, therefore, are but the natural result 
of the wide difference in time and point of view between the pre-exilic 
prophets and the post-exilic priests. 

Many other equally striking characteristics are clearly discernible, 
so that it is usually possible almost at a glance to distinguish the priestly 
sections. In contrast to the vivid, flowing style of the prophetic nar- 
ratives, the language is formal, exact, and repetitious. Certain juristic 
formulas frequently recur, as is well illustrated by the first and fifth 
chapters of Genesis, where more than one-fourth of the verses are prac- 
tical repetitions. The vocabulary is not large and contains a great 
number of characteristic words, which are constantly employed (cf. 
Table of Words and Expressions Peculiar to the Different Narratives, 
Appendix II.). Before the revelation to Moses, recorded in Exodus 
6” *, Elohim (God) is consistently used as the name of the Deity, but 
afterward Jehovah (Yahweh). Sinai is the designation of the sacred 
mount. Great interest is shown in details and statistics. They contain 
a carefully worked out system of chronology and date each important 
event. Long genealogical tables abound. Attention is also centred 
upon the prerogatives and duties of the Aaronic priests, who, as in the 
post-exilic Jewish state, take the place of the secular leaders in the 
Judean and of the prophets in the Ephraimite narratives. The later 
distinction—which is unknown to the early prophetic sourees—between 
the priests, the sons of Aaron, and the Levites is carefully maintained. 

Still more fundamentally characteristic of the priestly narratives is 
their conception of the Deity. The primitive anthropomorphic ex- 
pressions are carefully avoided, for the fact that God is a spirit is 
never forgotten by these later Jewish theologians. At Sinai his glory, 
the reflection and symbol of his complete personality, appears; but it 
is veiled in a cloud and surrounded by impenetrable mystery (Ex. 16”, 
Num. 91"). God is also conceived of as the omnipotent Ruler of the 
universe, whose fiat, as at the creation, is executed as soon as it is 
uttered. So prominent is this idea of Jehovah’s omnipotence that the 
natural, mediating processes by which he ordinarily accomplishes his 
ends are almost entirely ignored. This fact, doubtless, in part explains 
why the supernatural figures so prominently in the priestly versions of 
Israel’s traditions. The majestic doctrines of the priestly theologians 
sometimes led them far afield from the paths of reality marked out by 
the prophetic historians. 

The inevitable tendency to idealize the early saints also led them to 
omit all references to their moral delinquencies. Jacob does not flee as 
a fugitive from the consequences of his own deceptions, but in response 
to the demands of filial piety departs in peace with his father’s blessing 
to seek a wife in Aram (Gen. 28'*, § 30). Of the apostasy of the 
Israelites at Sinai in connection with the golden calf the priestly nar- 
ratives say nothing. Even the sin of Moses at Meribah has been so ob- 
scured that it is impossible to determine its character (§ 88). Thus at 
every point their advanced moral standards are revealed. 


45 


General 
charac- 
teristics 


Theolog. 
ical con- 
ceptions 


Ethicai 
stand- 
ards 


Origi 
an 
history 


Place of 


com po- 
sition 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


The basis of the priestly is the early Judean narratives. A com- 
parison of the different versions of the individual stories discloses in 
almost every case close parallels between these and wide variations 
from the Ephraimite, which in turn are followed by the late prophetic. 
It was perfectly natural that the later Jewish writers should follow the 
southern traditions rather than the northern. Moreover, the prom- 
inence accredited to the prophets in the Ephraimite narratives was anti- 
thetic to the priestly point of view. Like the author of the Fourth 
Gospel, who assumes the facts presented in the first three, the priestly 
narrators appear to have taken it for granted that their readers were 
acquainted with the Judean history. In a few instances they record 
traditions which are unknown to the earlier sources. As illustrations 
might be cited the purchase of the cave of Machpelah (Gen. 23, § 25), 
and the war against Midian (Num. 31, $101). In some cases their 
character and contents favor the conclusion that they originated in late 
priestly circles and that their purpose was to give traditional authority 
to a given institution, as, for example, the later distinction between the 
Aaronic priesthood and the Levites (Num. 16); but there is also reason 
for believing that the priestly narrators sometimes preserve very old 
traditions. 

The records of the Jewish community in Palestine after the rebuild- 
ing of the second temple in 516 B.c. contain no references to the writ- 
ing or existence of the priestly narratives until after the appearance 
of Nehemiah and Ezra. Haggai, Zechariah, and the author of Malachi 
appeal to the Deuteronomic code as the standard recognized by their 
contemporaries. The great reformation under the leadership of Nehe- 
miah and Ezra, however, was in keeping with the enactments of the 
priestly code. Subsequent to that event they were regnant in Pales- 
tine. The testimony of the history and the implication of the narrative 
in Ezra-Nehemiah which records the reformation are that the new code, 
and therefore its historical introduction and setting, were prepared by 
the Jews of Babylon. This conclusion is confirmed not only by the fact 
that after 586 B.c. the most intelligent leaders of the Jewish race were 
to be found in exile, but also by the character of many of the Jaws and 
of that extreme, ceremonial type of religion which later Judaism shared 
with the Babylonians. Certain stories, as, for example, that of the 
creation and flood, are also strikingly similar, especially in details, to 
those which we now know from the testimony of the monuments were 
current among the Assyrians and Babylonians, while the Jewish exiles 
were resident in the Tigris-Euphrates valley. The many variations 
from the older biblical versions of the same traditions are most natu- 
rally explained as the result of contact with Babylonian ideas. The 
historical outlook, as illustrated by the priestly sections of Genesis 10, 
is extended to include the lands of the dispersion. The tendency to 
idealize the early history is also another of the many indications that 
the priests who committed these traditions to writing lived apart from 
the direct current of Israel’s national life and amidst the peculiar en- 


46 


THE LATE PRIESTLY NARRATIVES 


vironment from which Nehemiah and Ezra emerged to bring the new 
law to Palestine. 

Traces of slightly different points of view and phraseology indicate pate ot 
that the priestly narratives are also from a school of writers who wrote sition” 
at different dates. The story of Korah in Numbers 16 is a good illus- 
tration of a narrative current in two distinct versions within the same 
priestly circles, the one version emphasizing the distinction between the 
priesthood and laity, the other between the Aaronic priesthood and the 
Levites (§ 93). The main narrative, which furnishes the continuous 
history of the priest-nation is probably all from the same date. It may 
be assumed that the historical introduction is later than the specific 
laws which it introduces. It appears that the laws themselves were a 
gradual growth, slowly assuming their final form in the two centuries 
antedating 400 B.c. (cf. vol. IV., Introd.). The half century between 
450 and 400 B.c. may, therefore, be accepted as the approximate date 
when the majority of the priestly stories were collected and united; 
although it is obvious, as in the case of the other groups, that many in- 
dividual traditions come from much earlier periods. Additions and 
minor emendations appear to have been made for a century longer, 
until the canon of the law gradually assumed its fixed and final form. 

The last act in the long process, which has given us the first eight compi- 
books of the Old Testament in substantially their present order and ofthe 
form, was accomplished by one or more of those later editors, whose work aha” 
is ordinarily decried, but to whom we doubtless owe the preservation of py 
the older traditions. It consisted in uniting the already combined pro- 
phetic narratives with the priestly. Since it was done some time— 
probably not long—after the reformation of 400 B.c., the one who 
amalgamated them was most interested in the priestly. This is clearly 
shown by the fact that these narratives are preserved practically in 
their integrity. Their order of events also determines in general the 
present arrangement of the Old Testament stories. Fortunately it was 
based in turn upon that of the Judean. Where there was no priestly 
parallel, the older order was doubtless followed. References in the 
prophetic narratives to traditions no longer extant indicate that at this 
time or earlier some were omitted. Thus the complete priestly story of 
the creation probably takes the place of the Judean version, of which 
only a fragment remains in Genesis 2*°°*. Ordinarily, however, the 
priestly narratives furnished simply an outline of events into which it 
was easy to fit the more detailed prophetic stories. This latest, and in 
many ways most important, editor also manifests a strong desire, like 
his predecessors, to retain all his subject-matter. Sometimes he amal- 
gamates two versions, as, for example, those of the flood, apparently 
omitting almost nothing of either (§ 8); at other times he introduces 
the two variant versions in sequence or gives them different settings, 
unintentionally or purposely ignoring the fact that they are duplicate 
accounts of the same events. 

The canonization of the law, which included the first five books 


ANY 


Final | 
canoni- 
zation 


Conclu- 


sion 


HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S EARLY RECORDS 


of the Old Testament, appears to have taken place during the cen- 
tury following Nehemiah’s great work, and therefore probably soon 
after the final union of the prophetic and priestly narratives. The 
canon of the prophets, which included Joshua and Judges, was com- 
plete before the close of another century. In the light of the few 
facts that are known and of New Testament analogies it would seem 
that this canonization was gradual. Until it was completed the process 
of minor editorial revision and expansion appears to have continued. 
By 200 s.c., however, and probably earlier, the first eight books of the 
Bible were to be found in their present form. 

This brief survey of the growth of these Old Testament books has 
aimed to present the modern positive conclusions regarding their origin. 
It is obvious that the difference between the traditional and the modern 
view simply concerns the details of a process. Both recognize that the 
Bible is the supreme record of God’s revelation to the human heart, and 
that its ultimate value consists in its ability to meet the moral and re~ 
ligious needs of mankind. Both appreciate the divinely gifted per- 
sonality and far-reaching influence of the great prophet-leader, Moses. 
The older held, however, that the Pentateuch took form within a genera- 
tion and was the work of one man; the modern view is that it is the 
gradual growth of nine or ten centuries and represents the work of 
many divinely inspired teachers. The one is the theory of the later 
Jewish rabbis, adopted and expanded by the church fathers and crystal- 
lized in the creeds of many Christian churches; the other is a systematic 
attempt to formulate and explain the hundreds of significant facts con- 
tained in the individual books and presented by Israelitish and cognate 
history. Instead of being antithetic, the latter is but the logical sequel 
to the former. Both are based on known data. As new and important 
facts were discovered in the light of broader and closer study and in 
contemporary monumental literature, it became necessary to expand 
and modify the old; the result is the new—conjectural at certain points 
and ever subject to revision as more facts are disclosed, but a practical, 
helpful working basis for the intelligent study of Israel’s priceless 
records. 


THE HISTORY OF ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL 
AND BIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVES 


ars) Dal 


4 i, 


“s 4 
| t 
mat 
1 
La 
(2p 
{ 
a ’ 
{ 
* 
‘ 
=< 
t 
é 
‘ 
- 
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i 


I 


THE ORIGIN AND PRESENT LITERARY FORM OF THE OLD 
TESTAMENT HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL 
NARRATIVES 


IsRAEL’s national and literary history begins with the establishment of 
the Hebrew monarchy under Saul. Up to this time the only records of the 
past appear to have been disconnected popular traditions, recounted be- 
side the camp fire, in the secret of the harem, at marriage feasts, at the 
local sanctuaries, during the annual feasts, at the wells, or beside the city 
gates, wherever men or women were gathered together and the story-teller 
could find an audience (cf. Vol. I, p. 13). These early stories, many of 
which are found in the first eight books of the Old Testament, undoubt- 
edly preserve a great number of significant historical facts, but they do 
not constitute a national history, for the oldest and most authentic stories 
originated before the Israelitish tribes had yet crystallized into a nation, 
and the narratives furnish only occasional pictures of the more important 
acts and actors in that great drama which later unfolded on the soil of Pales- 
tine. They represent rather the prologue to the subsequent history, since 
they record the movements of the nomadic ancestors of the Hebrews and 
the early struggles of the individual tribes to secure and maintain possession 
of the much-contested land of Canaan. ‘Through these varied traditions 
the historian is able to trace in outline at least the beginnings of Hebrew 
history. 

Before there can be a history in the generally accepted sense of that term, 
there must be historians possessed of the facilities for recording their facts and 
events worthy of record and calculated to inspire them to write. In ancient 
Israel these two conditions were first met and then fully supplied during 
the brilliant reigns of David and Solomon. The assimilation of the highly 
developed civilization of the Canaanites and the diplomatic and commercial 
relations with other centres of literary culture, such as Egypt, Phoenicia, 
and Damascus, gave the Hebrew historians their system of writing and 
also precedents to follow. From the days of David recorders and scribes 
figure among the court officials. The dramatic, epoch-making events of the 
reigns of Saul and David gave them themes well worthy of the pen of patri- 
otic historians. ‘The national pride, and splendor, and comparative peace 
of the reign of Solomon also afforded them the atmosphere and opportunity 
which undoubtedly gave rise to the earliest Hebrew historical records. 


dl 


The 
begin- 
nings 
of Isra- 
el’s na- 
tional 
history 


Con- 
ditions 
favor- 
able for 
he 
writing 
of his- 
tory 


Liter- 


ary 
form of 
the 
earlies 
tecords 


The in- 
troduc- 
tion 

of ser- 
mons 
and ad- 
dresses 


Promi- 
neéeuce 
of per- 
sonal 
biogra- 
phies 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


These were either very brief annals of important events, such as the suc- 
cessions of kings, wars, building enterprises, treaties, and alliances, or else 
oral traditions which recounted the deeds of important religious or military 
leaders, like Samuel and Saul and David. Both of these very different 
types of sources underlie the narrative of Samuel and Kings. As the his- 
tory unfolded, the tendency became marked to weave these various sources 
into a continuous narrative. Naturally, later historians would also further 
supplement the older records with current traditions regarding the earlier 
period. Thus it is that the narratives of Samuel and Kings have all the 
literary characteristics—absence of technical details, the few characters, 
the striking contrasts, the vividness, and the dramatic action—of the primi- 
tive traditions regarding the beginnings of Hebrew life. ‘The story of David’s 
family history, for example, is presented in II Samuel 9-20 in a literary 
form that suggests the great tragedies of Greece. ‘The dramatic dialogue 
is also effectively employed, as in the more primitive traditions, to make the 
history realistic. The result is that the characters live and move and speak 
before the awakened imagination of the reader. 

When the Hebrew prophets became preachers and statesmen, swaying 
public opinion by the power of their voice and by the divine messages which 
they proclaimed in the form of public addresses, the historians also intro- 
duced sermons and long orations into their narratives. This literary form 
is common to all literature. Mark Antony’s famous address in Shake- 
speare’s Julius Cesar is perhaps the most familiar modern example. This 
effective form of narration was in Hebrew literature but the natural out- 
growth of the ancient oracle, as for example Jacob’s blessing in Genesis 49, 
and of the dialogue. It appears first and most prominently in the writings 
of the later Ephraimite school, which bore the stamp of Hosea’s strong, in- 
spiring personality, and was still further developed by its Judean heir, the 
late prophetic or Deuteronomic school (cf. Vol. I, Introd., pp. 37-42). The 
most striking examples in the opening books of the Old Testament are 
the farewell addresses of Moses in Deuteronomy and Joshua in Joshua 23 
and 24. In Samuel and Kings there are also many examples: Samuel’s long 
sermons in I Samuel 8 and 12, Nathan’s in IT Samuel 7, Solomon’s speech 
at the dedication of the temple in I Kings 8, and Ahijah’s warnings in 11""-*° 
and 147-!*, In each case the language and ideas indicate that these are 
from the ates schools of writers. In the didactic stories in Chronicles, which 
are based on the earlier narratives of Samuel and Kings, these hortatory ad- 
dresses are still more common. They are in fact the favorite literary form 
of the later Jewish writers, as is shown by the long prayers in Ezra 9 and 
Nehemiah 9, and even by the speeches attributed to Judas and his fellow- 
leaders in the more strictly historical books of I and II Maccabees. 

Israel’s historians were always more interested in individual men than 
in movements. Since their chief sources were also current traditions re- 
garding popular heroes, the texture of their histories largely consists of per- 
sonal biographies, which they have woven together into a larger whole. 
Remove from the historical books the biographies of Samuel, Saul, David, 
Sa Jeroboam, Ahab, Elijah, Elisha, Jehu, Hezekiah, Isaiah, Jere- 


52 


THEIR ORIGIN AND PRESENT LITERARY FORM 


miah, Nehemiah, and Ezra, and little besides bare statistics and the record 
of three or four important events in the history of the temple remain. It 
is this prominent personal element that constitutes the chief charm of the 
narratives; while their vital touch with actual men and real life is the main 
source of their permanent and practical value. 

The prominence of the biographical element is likewise due to the fact Domi- 
that the authors of the so-called historical books were not primarily his- ? Baty 


torians, but rather religious teachers seeking apt and familiar illustrations histor 
of the spiritual truths which impelled them to write. From Israel’s history reiig- 
as a whole they drew many valuable lessons, but even more from the life of yous 

a hero like David, or of an intrepid champion of righteousness like Elijah. 

Hence the Old Testament records lack historic proportion. David’s final 
epoch-making victory over the Philistines is only meagrely described, while 

to his private family history many chapters are devoted. Omri’s important 

reign is dismissed with a few verses, while four chapters are given to de- 
scribing the work of the Tishbite prophet. ‘This fact is the basis of the com- 

mon assertion that there is strictly speaking no real history in Hebrew 
literature until we reach the Maccabean period. ‘The books which are des- 
ignated as historical are either collections of historical illustrations, which 
enforce prophetic principles, or else traditions regarding the temple and 

the origin of its later ceremonial institutions. 

The amount of authentic data which such books as Samuel, Kings, and Indi- 
Ezra-Nehemiah contain at once place them in the first rank among the his- $240"8 
torical records coming from antiquity, but the historical facts are neverthe- the ear- 
less incidental, although for this reason none the less valuable. It is ex- etal 
ceedingly important, therefore, always to remember the higher ethical and P°KS, 
religious purpose which determined the form and contents of these books. chiefly 
This, as well as the fact that they consist largely of quotations from earlier tations 
works, explains their lack of unity and the presence of occasional contradic- 
tions. These are but the guide-posts which point the way back to the 
original sources and make it possible to trace the complex literary history 
of these composite books and thus to do the work of reconstruction which 
is necessary, before they can be fully appreciated as literature, as history, 
and above all as illustrations of those eternal principles which regulate the 
life of nations and men. 

The fact that the aim of Samuel and Kings was primarily prophetic rather History 
than historical was recognized by the Jews who formed the Old Testament ofthe 
canon, for they classified them, together with Joshua and Judges, as The of Sam- 
Former Prophets. In reality the two books of Samuel, together with those Kings 
of Kings, constitute one continuous narrative, bound together by closest 
bonds. The Greek translators so treated them, calling them the Books of 
the Kingdoms, dividing them into their present divisions. Jerome gave 
them the title of Kings, and in the case of the second two he has been fol- 
lowed by the English translators, while the first two retain their Hebrew title. 

The books of Samuel trace the history of the Hebrews from the latter Con- 
part of the period of the Judges to the accession of Solomon, and therefore baal e 


represent approximately one eentury. In the present form they consist of Semuel 
53 


Prin- 

ciple 

of ar- 

range- 

ment in 
Sam- 

uel 


In IT 
Samuel 


Con- 
tents of 
he 


books 
of 
Kings 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


five general divisions: (1) Samuel and Saul narratives, I Samuel 1-15; (2) 
stories regarding the rise of David and the decline and death of Saul, 16-31; 
(3) the account of David’s rule first over Judah and then over all Israel, 
II Samuel 1-8; (4) David’s family history, 9-20; (5) an appendix, 21-24. 

In I Samuel the principle of arrangement is in general chronological. In 
1-15, however, two very different portraits of Samuel are given: in the one 
(9, 10) he is the local seer of Ramah, who finds Saul and encourages him 
to become king, but in the other (7, 8, 12), the prophet-judge, who protest- 
ingly at the demand of the people turns over the supreme authority to their 
first king. In the one also (13, 14), the Philistines are defeated by Saul in 
a fierce engagement, but in the other (7) they are miraculously smitten in 
response to Samuel’s prayer. The duplicate versions in 16-31 of certain of 
the more important incidents also indicate that the book is composite through- 
out, and that its literary unity and chronological arrangement are due to 
the careful work of the editor. 

In II Samuel the material is grouped according to subject matter. In 
1-8 the most important political events in David’s reign are briefly out- 
lined, beginning with his accession to the throne of Judah and concluding 
with a summary of his foreign wars. The events recounted in 9-20 are in 
part contemporary with those recorded in 1-8, but they trace the series of 
crimes in his family and court which so sadly dimmed the lustre of his reign. 
Their natural and probably original sequel is found in I Kings 1 and @. 
The last division contains a heterogeneous group of narratives, which were 
evidently taken from various sources, and probably added to the original 
book of Samuel after it was separated from Kings. It includes an account 
of the fate of Saul’s sons (21'-"*), which is closely related in theme to 9, a 
description of the exploits of David’s heroes, 21”, 23°-*°, into the midst of 
which at a comparatively late date Psalm 18 and David’s traditional ‘Last 
Words” were introduced, and finally the record of a census, which appears 
to belong to the period of David’s foreign wars. In the character of its 
contents, and in their relation to the narratives in the rest of the book this 
appendix closely resembles that found at the end of Judges (17-20). Unlike 
Judges and Kings, the books of Samuel have received few editorial addi- 
tions. Aside from a few chronological notes, the earlier material has simply 
been grouped without being fitted into an editorial framework. 

In the books of Kings the work of the editor is much more prominent. 
Beginning with the accession of Solomon and the death of David about 
975 B.c., he traces the double thread of Hebrew history to the Babylonian 
exile and Jehoiachin’s liberation in 561 B.c.; the books therefore represent a 
period of about four centuries. The principle of arrangement is prevail- 
ingly chronological, although groups of stories, as for example the Elisha 
traditions (II Kgs. 2'-8'*), are introduced as a unit. Three general divi- 
sions may be distinguished: (1) the records of Solomon’s reign, I Kings 1-11; 
(2) the parallel history of Israel and Judah, I Kings 12-II Kings 17; (3) 
the history of Judah, II Kings 18-25. 

In the first division the editor’s contributions appear chiefly in 11, where 
he condemns Solomon’s foreign marriages and the toleration of heathen 


54 


THEIR ORIGIN AND PRESENT LITERARY FORM 


cults in Israel. Beginning with the history of the two kingdoms after the 
division, he incorporates his data regarding each reign in a regular frame- 
work, consisting of an introductory and concluding formula. ‘The opening 
one always defines the synchronism with the neighboring kingdom and the ~ 
length of the reign (cf. Appendix II for a fuller treatment of Hebrew chro- 
nology). ‘To this is added in the case of the kings of Judah the name of 
the queen-mother. It concludes with a general judgment upon each king. 
Upon the rulers of Israel this is always adverse, for the basis of the con- 
demnation appears to be the ruler’s attitude toward the religion of Jehovah, 
and in the opinion of the editor the northern cult was altogether wrong 
because it centred about the high places selected by Jeroboam I to rival 
the temple at Jerusalem (I Kgs. 127°’). Occasionally detailed reasons for 
the condemnation are also given (cf. I Kgs. 147-*4, 151-14, 1639-33), The 
concluding formula includes a reference to the editor’s source and a record 
of the death of the king and the name of his successor. To this is added, 
in the case of the kings of Judah who did not come to a violent end, the 
statement that, he slept with his fathers. 

Parallel to the narrative of Kings and for the most part simply quoted 
from it are the historical sections in the book of Isaiah (36-39). Far 
more important are the corresponding passages in Jeremiah (26, 34, 36- 
45), for they richly supplement the narrative of Kings, which unfortu- 
nately has only a brief account of the events immediately preceding and 
following the fall of Jerusalem in 586 3B.c. These historical sections in 
Jeremiah are doubly valuable because they appear to be taken from a prac- 
tically contemporary biography of Jeremiah, probably written by his faithful 
scribe Baruch. 

It is a striking and fortunate fact that with few exceptions the most im- 
portant events and epochs in the biblical history are recorded in two or 
more distinct books. The beginnings of Israel’s history and the work and 
teachings of the Founder of Christianity are presented in four parallel 
strands of narrative. For the period beginning with Saul and extending to 
the Babylonian exile there are two, and at certain points three distinct records. 

The second continuous history of Israel is found in the books of Chron- 
icles. ‘They begin with a group of genealogical tables, which goes back to ; 
Adam, and carry the history down to the decree of Cyrus permitting the 
Jews to return after the Babylonian exile. ‘Their dependence upon the older 
books of Samuel and Kings is clearly shown by the presence of many ver- 
batim quotations. To these are added long sections which give this later 
history its distinctive form. Although it traces the genealogy of the race 
back to Adam, the narrative really begins with the death of Saul and hence- 
forth focusses the attention on Judah, the temple, and especially the religious 
institutions which grew up about it. The books of Chronicles consist of 
four general divisions: (1) An introduction containing genealogical lists, in- 
terspersed with brief narratives, I Chronicles 1-9; (2) the history of David’s 
reign, 10-29; (3) an account of Solomon’s reign, II Chronicles 1-9; (4) 
the history of Judah to the fall of Jerusalem, with an appendix containing 
the decree of Cyrus, 10-36. 

55 


The 
eee 


f ua 


Histor- 
ical sec- 
tions in 
Tsaiah 
and 
Jere- 


mish 


Parallel 
records 


Con- 
nts of 


books 


Chron 
icles 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


History The immediate sequel to Chronicles is found in the books of Ezra and 
ora. Nehemiah. In the original Jewish and Greek canon they form a single 
Nehe- book. ‘The separation of the book of Nehemiah under its distinct title was 
“RS probably the work of Alexandrian scholars, and was adopted by Jerome. 
This division is not only artificial but also misleading, for as will be shown 
later (p. 32) parts of the original Ezra narrative are also found in Nehe- 
miah. The original book therefore is best designated as Ezra-Nehemiah. It 
begins with the decree of Cyrus in 538 B.c., and traces the priestly gen- 
ealogy down to the close of the Persian rule in 332, and therefore represents 
a period of a little over two centuries. 
Its A satisfactory analysis of it in its present form is impossible, for its con- 
tents Stituent parts have evidently been disarranged. Thus for example, the con- 
clusion of the Ezra narrative is found in Nehemiah 77°-10* in the midst of 
Nehemiah’s account of the rebuilding of the walls, which begins in 1-6 and 
is concluded in 127-8. Nehemiah 12'-”* also contains a list of the priests 
and Levites who went up with Zerubbabel and Jeshua, which has no ob- 
vious connection with its context. As # now stands Ezra-Nehemiah con- 
sists of six general divisions: (1) an account of the events which resulted 
in the restoration of the temple, Ezra 1-6; (2) a description of the expedition 
of Ezra and his preliminary reforms, 7-10; (3) Nehemiah’s history of his 
work in rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem and restoring the Judean com- 
munity, Nehemiah 1'-7**; (4) an account of the reading of the law by Ezra 
and the public confession which was followed by the acceptance of the new 
code by the Jewish community, 77°-10*°; (5) a census of the Jews in Palestine, 
with a list of the priests and Levites, 11'-12%; (6) Nehemiah’s description 
of the dedication of the walls and of his later reform measures, 12?7-13*, 
Period ‘The narrative of Israel’s history is taken up where Ezra-Nehemiah leaves 
covered it by I Maccabees, which begins with Alexander’s Asiatic conquests in 
" ban 333-332 B.c. and ends with the death of the Hasmonean ruler Simon, in 
135 B.c. Like Ezra-Nehemiah it, therefore, represents a period of about 
two centuries. ‘The events preceding the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes 
(176 B.c.) are passed over briefly, but from this time on they are recorded 
in chronological order and with a fulness and historic proportion unsur- 
passed in any other Jewish narrative. 
Itscon- It consists of four general divisions: (1) an introduction briefly describing 
tents the origin of the Seleucid empire and the attempt of Antiochus Epiphanes 
to abolish the Jewish religion, 1; (2) the history of the successful struggle for 
religious freedom led by Judas Maccabeus, 2-6; (3) the record of the wars 
and alliances by which the Jews finally secured political independence, 7-12; 
(4) the history of Simon’s benign rule, 13-16. 
Period Second Maccabees is parallel to I Maccabees, but deals with a much 
fevered briefer period. It begins with the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes and 
iI Mac- closes with the restoration of the temple service and the death of Nicanor 
in 161 B.c. It pictures in great detail the horrors of the religious persecu- 
tion and the bravery of the martyrs for the law. The parallels with I Macca- 
bees are closest in the accounts of the wars of Judas, which occupy the second 
half of the book (8-15). 


56 


THEIR ORIGIN AND PRESENT LITERARY FORM 


In its present form it contains five general divisions: (1) two letters pur- Its con 
porting to have been sent by the Jews of Palestine to the Jews of Egypt urging “"** 
them to observe the feast of Dedication, 1'-2'*; (2) the author’s preface, 

219-82; (3) a description of the events which led up to the persecution, 3-5; 
(4) an account of the persecution and the endurance of the faithful, 6, 7; 
(5) the history of Judas’s wars and victories, 8-15. 

Although it is a popular story rather than a history, the book of Esther Theme 
may also be included with Israel’s historical and biographical narratives, @)¢,- 
because it reflects the pride and hatred with which the Jews during the 2cter of 
Maccabean period regarded their heathen neighbors, with whom they were book of 
constantly brought into close and painful contact. Like the apocryphal 
book of Tobit, which also belongs to the same class of literature, it throws 
light indirectly upon the life of the Jews of the dispersion, among whom 
were probably to be found in the later centuries fully half of the members 
of that persecuted race. The story is a closely knit literary unit, is viv- 
idly told, and abounds in dramatic contrasts and the effective dialogues 
which constitute the charm of the earlier Old Testament narratives. 

Viewed as literature, the historical and biographical narratives as a whole General 
constitute an exceedingly attractive and important department of the Old ¢o2t o¢ 
Testament library. They are concrete, vivid, realistic portraits of the com- pe ue 
plex life of ancient Israel. ‘Their literary forms are almost as varied as ment 
their themes. Brief annals, genealogical lists, personal memoirs, impas- ?'3/°" 
sioned orations, songs of lamentations, popular traditions, didactic stories, Miele 
and historical romances are all represented. Viewed as the record of nine 
centuries of Israel’s national experiences they are unique among the writings 
of antiquity because of the relative completeness and exactness of the picture 
which they present. The important events and epochs are usually portrayed 
with great fulness, while the unimportant are passed over rapidly or in 
silence. The duplicate narratives make it possible to study the vital facts 
from very different points of view. ‘The significant characters in the history 
and their acts also stand out in clear relief. Intimate acquaintance with 
the men who made Israelitish history discloses the dominant tendencies of 
each age and the forces which influenced it. Above all, these Old Testa- 
ment narratives at every point call attention to the divine guidance and 
purpose which moulded Israel’s history and made it not merely the record 
of the life of an insignificant race, but a transcendently important chapter 
in the history of humanity, for through the life of that race God was reveal- 
ing his character and will to the world. 


57 


The 
iN 
0 


The 
ark 
stories 


Saul 


cycle of 


stories 


it 


THE EARLIER HISTORIES AND BIOGRAPHIES INCOR- 
PORATED IN SAMUEL AND KINGS 


Tue historical value of the great prophetic record in the books of Samuel 
and Kings is due to the fact that it consists for the most part of verbatim 
quotations from earlier histories and biographies. ‘The determination of 


essential before they can be used in reconstructing the true outlines of Israei- 
itish history. The growth of these books was gradual and the process 
nearly as complex as in the case of the opening books of the Old Testament. 
No sharp line of demarcation separates tlie one group from the other. Con- 
temporaneously and as the result of similar forces, each took form. ‘They 
drew their data from the same fund of common tradition, and doubtless in 
many cases the same authors or at least school of authors contributed to 
each. The following chapter aims simply at giving a clear outline of the 
conclusions presented in this volume regarding the nature of the sources 
which underlie Samuel and Kings, and their literary history. The detailed 
reasons and analyses will be given in connection with the text (for a graphic 
representation of the different sources and their relations to each other and 
to the completed book, compare the Frontispiece to this volume). 


1. The Early Judean Saul and David Narratives 


The original book of Judges closed abruptly in chapters 13-16 with an 
account of the Philistine advance and Samson’s ill-organized and futile 
counter-attacks. ‘The original sequel to these in the early Judean pro- 
phetic narratives appears to be embedded in I Samuel 4, which tells of the 
repeated defeats of the Israelites by the Philistines and of the loss of the ark. 
The subsequent fortunes of this sacred palladium, which already has figured 
most prominently in the Judean narratives (cf. Vol. I, §§ 79, 86), and which 
found its final resting place in the southern capital and sanctuary, are re- 
counted in 5*-7'. Possibly these popular narratives were once taken from 
a cycle of stories which centred about the ark itself, but their present lan- 
guage, picturesque literary form, and natural representation, reveal their 
relationship to the products of the early Judean prophetic school. 

From the same point of view and in the same literary style are written 
the vivid stories in 9-10", 1]!- 1%», 131-144, ‘They also assume precisely 
the conditions pictured in 4-6. They tell of the natural steps whereby 
Saul was made king and wrested from the Philistines the independence 
lost when the ark fell into the hands of those strong foes. These Saul stories 
constitute a closely knit literary unit. The character and work of Israel’s 


58 


EARLIER HISTORIES IN SAMUEL AND KINGS 


first king are presented sympathetically and appreciatively. Samuel does 
not oppose, but rather works earnestly for the establishment of the kingdom. 
Circumstances force the people to take the successive steps which ultimately 
led to union and national independence. As in the case of the different 
groups of the patriarchal stories (Vol. I, pp. 22, 23), these traditions were 
probably found originally in the form of a Saul cycle and then incorporated 
in their larger history of Israel by the early Judean historians. They may 
therefore be appropriately designated as the early Judean Saul narra- 
tives. 

With 16'* the point of view perceptibly changes. Henceforth David Ear 
is the central object of interest and Saul suffers by contrast. The facts and Pavia 
conditions, however, presented in the preceding early Judean narratives tives 
are assumed. ‘The same vivid style and picturesque words and expressions 
recur. ‘The representation is natural and the historical motive is prominent. 
Again the conviction deepens that the group of stories which from this point 
run through IT Kings 2, picturing realistically the fortunes and achievements 
of David, is the sequel of the preceding Judean narratives, but that originally 
they were drawn from that largest and most important cycle of stories in 
the Old Testament, which gathered about the character of Israel’s popular 
hero and conqueror-king. ‘They may therefore be designated as the early 
Judean David narratives. 

These narratives are found in I Samuel 16'4—-1'74 32-40 42-40, 51-54" 196-8. PH Gip 
12-16, 20-298 JQ1-17 QQ1-39. Q]1-9 Q91_gQgisa 257-287, 29-31, II Samuel 11-* 1) 1 See 
Bh 1—5iss 11-28 6, 87-19, 9-214, 23580, o4, I Kings 1, 2 *. Many of them unity 
stand alone by themselves as complete stories, and it is possible that, as is 
maintained by some scholars, those found in I Samuel 9-20 originally con- 
stituted an independent group, but the unity of the David stories as a whole 
is very marked. Not only are they written in the same style and char- 
acterized by the same familiar idioms, but the same conceptions of the 
events of the history and of the chief characters constantly recur. David 
in his declining years, overshadowed by his great sin, is not so attractive 
as the hero of the earlier struggles, but he is still the object of the nation’s 
love, the great king whose earlier achievements the people cannot forget 
(II Sam. 19). The Joab of II Samuel 18 and 20 is identical with the bold, 
unscrupulous general of II Samuel 3. The unique friendship between 
David and Jonathan and its dark background, the hatred and jealousy of 
the house of Saul, run through and bind together all these stories. 

Viewed either as literature or as historical sources, the early Judean David Their 
narratives are unsurpassed by any others in the Old Testament. The ste 
pictures which they give of the actors and events in this epoch-making period eee 
in Israel’s history are not only interesting and full of life and local color, 
but they may be accepted as substantially true, even in detail, to the histor- 
ical facts. They and the related Saul stories probably represent the first 
extensive Hebrew writings. The impressions which the stirring events 
recorded made upon the popular mind were exceedingly vivid. It was 
doubtless because of their great importance and universal interest that the 
impulse to commit them to writing was first felt by Israel’s patriotic his- 


59 


Ther 
date 


Ab- 
sence 
of the 
early 
Ephra- 
imite 
narra- 
tives in 
Samuel 


The 
Samuel 
narra- 
tives 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


torians. This conclusion is fully confirmed by their character. As the 

earliest product of the Judean prophetic school, they naturally have certain 
characteristics peculiar to themselves, partly due to their priority and partly 
to the nature of the original traditions which they embody. ‘They appear to 
have shaped the ideas, determined the methods, and given the inspiration 
to the early Judean writers, which led them subsequently to collect the 
traditions regarding the period of the Judges and then of each preceding 
period, until they traced their history back to the first man in the Garden of 
Eden (cf. Vol. I, pp. 18, 19). 

From their themes and literary character, as well as from their relation 
to the longer Judean narrative, it may be fairly inferred that the Saul and 
David histories were written not very long after, if not before, the division 
of the Hebrew empire at the death of Solomon. There is in them no reflec- 
tion of the hostility between the North and South which immediately fol- 
lowed that event. The later reign of Jehoshaphat (876-851 B.c.), when 
the armies of the two kingdoms again fought side by side and when the polit- 
ical, commercial, and probably the intellectual life was very active, furnishes 
a most natural background for the work of the prophets who gleaned them 
from the mouth of the people and committed them to writing. 


2. The Later Ephraimite Samuel Narratives 


In view of the division of the Hebrew empire at the death of Solomon 
and the bitterness engendered in the North against the house of David, 
the Northern or Ephraimite historians had little desire or incentive to record 
the glories of the united kingdom. ‘These belonged in a peculiar sense to 
the South. Moreover, the Judean records were so complete that there was 
no necessity for the late prophetic editors to draw from the traditions of 
the North, which perhaps presented the darker side of these reigns in a 
manner not altogether agreeable to the conceptions of later Judean editors. 
Whatever are the real reasons, there is no clear evidence of citations in Samuel 
and Kings from the early Ephraimite prophetic narratives. With the accounts 
of the achievements of the northern heroes recounted in Judges, the quo- 
tations in the Old ‘Testament from this early source apparently cease, except 
as the stories of Elijah (corresponding to the Saul and David stories in their 
relation to the Judean narratives) probably represent the prototype of the 
writing of this school (cf. p. 18). 

Side by side, however, with the Judean account of the establishment of 
the monarchy is a connected series of narratives which have all the character- 
istics of the later Ephraimite source. They recount the deeds of a prophet 
—Samuel of Ramah in the North. In these later narratives he is conceived 
of as judging the people, as did Moses according to the related tradition of 
Exodus 18. Like his great predecessor, he rules as Jehovah’s regent over all 
Israel (cf. Vol. I, pp. 38, 39). When the people confess their sin (7°, 12*°; 
cf. Num. 14°, Judg. 10'° 15), Samuel intercedes for them (75, 8°; cf. Gen. 
20” 7; Num. 11, 21"), and Jehovah miraculously delivers them from their 
powerful foes. 


60 


EARLIER HISTORIES IN SAMUEL AND KINGS 


In the early Judean narratives the kingship is regarded as so desirable gyi- 
that Samuel persuades Saul to assume the leadership, and in the late pro- dence 
phetic or Deuteronomic as a necessary institution, the abuses of which must they 
be carefully guarded against (Dt. 17°). In I Samuel 8 and 12, how- from 
ever, it is absolutely condemned in almost the same terms as were the kings his 
of his day by the Ephraimite prophet Hosea (cf. I Sam. 8 and Hos. 8*, Binh ee 
13"). Many other minor indications, as for example, the reference to a Ae 
sacred stone or pillar (I Sam. 7”), still regarded as legitimate in the Ephraim- 
ite narratives (Vol. I, p. 40), but sternly forbidden in the late prophetic, 
leave little doubt that this peculiar conception of the history and the work 
of Samuel originated in the Northern prophetic guilds. 

These narratives are found in I Samuel 1'-5!, 77°-8?4, 10!7-, 12 and 15. Their 
The interest throughout is religious rather than political. The purpose is {¢?%, 
didactic rather than historical. The whole is a popular biography of Samuel pad 
rather than a parallel history of the period. It begins with the account of 
his birth, consecration, early life at Shiloh, and call to be a prophet; but 
throughout the stories, the attention is focussed on Samuel, the man of God, 
rather than on Samuel, the individual. ‘That all Israel was led by a prophetic 
representative of Jehovah, as in the days of Moses, is assumed. The super- 
natural is prominent. ‘The same peculiar conceptions and point of view 
reappear in the Elijah and Elisha stories of I Kings 20-II Kings 15. The 
kinship of these three groups of traditions is clearly very close. They were 
undoubtedly cherished in the same prophetic circle in the North—probably 
many of them at the sanctuary of Gilgal near Shiloh, which appears to have 
become the inheritor of its traditions when the older shrine was destroyed 
by the Philistines (Jer. 19°, cf. note § 3). 

Some time after the days of Hosea and before Josiah’s reformation in Their 
621 B.c. the cycle of Samuel stories, together with kindred products of the 
later Ephraimite prophetic school, was committed to writmg. Whether or 
not it originally existed independently for a period is a question which can 
never be absolutely decided, and which is of only secondary importance. 


3. Very Late Popular Prophetic Traditions 


In I Samuel 15**-16", 19'*-20", I Kings 12%%-13%, 203-8, TI Kings 1°-!° char- 
are found certain stories which are related in many ways to the preceding 24% 
groups. They illustrate the later belief in the dominant, almost supernatural = 

tes . : : ; ate of 
position assumed by the earlier prophets in the life of the nation. ‘They the late 
were evidently retold for generations in prophetic circles. While related, PoPpwsr 
this group evidently reflects a still later conception of the prophets than phetic 
the Samuel cycle. Their real ethical and religious work is almost forgotten tions 
and the men of God are conceived of as mere wonder-workers. Thus for 
example in I Samuel 191-4 the messengers of Saul, and later the king him- 
self, fall down in ecstasy before Samuel, or in II Kings 1°"* the military com- 
panies sent by Ahaziah are consumed by fire from heaven at the command 
of Elijah. Evidently the popular imagination has contributed much to the 
stories. They recall the midrashim or late Jewish didactic tales (cf. p. 26). 


61 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


While it cannot be maintained that they are all from the same school or 
date, they reflect the same very late point of view. 


4. Popular Judean David Stories 


Con- From the lips of the people also doubtless came the variant versions of 
ten's the more important incidents in David’s early life, as for example, his con- 
history test with Goliath, his marriage with Saul’s daughter, the king’s futile attempt 
of the : ; ; ‘She ° ° ; 
sopular to kill him, and his magnanimity in sparing Saul’s life. A comparison shows 
neem that they are clearly duplicates of the corresponding early Judean narratives, 
stories but here the stories are told with slight variations; details and names are 
usually forgotten, the coloring is heightened, and the language illustrates 
the effects of their having been retold from generation to generation. ‘The 
same love and admiration for David are revealed, only he has been so com- 
pletely idealized that his faults and sins have been forgotten. ‘The scenes 
are most of them laid in Southern Judah. It is difficult to conceive that 
they originally came from any other source than the memories of his fellow- 
clansmen in the South. The popular version of the story of his contest 
with Goliath, which was probably added to the Hebrew text at a very late 
date, since it is not found in the earliest Greek version, may well have been 
cherished at Bethlehem in Judah. 
Their The popular David stories are found in I Samuel 1717-8!) 4: 5% 55-58, 181-5 
date 10, 11, 17-19, 2b, 30, 9] 10-15 9316 9422 TT Samuel 151°, Most of these were evi- 
place dently committed to writing before the late prophetic editor compiled his 
books history of the period—that is before the first capture of Jerusalem in 597 B.c. 
Cee In his zeal to preserve everything known regarding David, he made the 
early Judean narratives the basis of his history from I Samuel 16 on, and 
then supplemented them by the popular traditions, not welding the dupli- 
cates closely together as is often done by early editors in the first seven books 
of the Old Testament, but giving each a different setting. The one excep- 
tion to this rule is found in I Samuel 17 and 18, and is clearly the work of a 


still later editor. 
5. The Book of the Acts of Solomon 


The With the reign of Solomon a new era in Hebrew history opened. The 
uvera' alliances with neighboring peoples, and especially the Phoenicians, intro- 
in Sol duced foreign culture. ‘The ambition of the king was to bring his people 
reign and kingdom into line with those of contemporary Semitic potentates. ‘The 
emphasis was placed on the development of his court and capital rather 
than upon conquest. Literature, as well as art, was probably encouraged 
by him. In addition to the chancellor or recorder, two scribes were counted 
among the important officials of his court (I Kgs. 4°). Their duty was 
probably primarily to conduct the royal correspondence, but for diplomatic 
reasons, if for no other, a record of the most important events of each reign 
would also be needed for reference. Hence from the days of Solomon it 
appears that the Hebrew historians were not dependent upon popular memory 
and tradition, but had access to brief contemporary annals for the more 


62 


EARLIER HISTORIES IN SAMUEL AND KINGS 


important political facts. Here, therefore, the Judean prophetic history 
properly ends, for the task of its authors was to collect and put in literary 
form the inherited traditions regarding the period antedating that of con- 
temporary records. At the same time it is clear that the connection was very 
close between the work of the southern annalists and that of the Judean 
historians, for the one was the virtual successor of the other. 

The compiler of Kings refers his readers for further details to what ap- Refer- 
pears to have been three distinct historical works. They must have been €n¢°°‘° 
extant and accessible in his day, and, we may infer from the form of his egy 
references that they were well known. They are the Book of the Acts (or tories 
Events) of Solomon (I Kgs. 11*), the Chronicles (lit., Book of the Acts of 
Days) of the Kings of Israel, and the corresponding Chronicles of the 
Kings of Judah. It is reasonable to conclude that these histories, to which 
he frequently refers, were also among the chief sources from which he him- 
self drew his political facts regarding the earlier periods. The character 
and aim of his work and the form of his allusions to them further indicate 
that he simply quoted from them that which was adapted to his more dis- 
tinctively religious and pragmatic purpose. 

That these older histories were more than mere annals is clearly indicated. Their 
The reference in I Kings 11" is to the point: Now the rest of the acts of cpa 
Solomon and all that he did and his wisdom, are they not recorded in the 
Book of the Acts of Solomon? 'The same inference is confirmed by the al- 
lusions to the contents of the Chronicles (cf. p. 16). The term Book in this 
connection also implies a continuous, more or less expanded history. The 
Chronicles recorded the events of many different centuries. Their his- 
torical value depended upon the fact that they were compiled from older 
sources. ‘The work of other authors appears to have been simply to com- 
bine and expand the earlier material. The state annals appear to have 
been the basis of their work and the expansion at important points to have 
been accomplished by introducing long quotations from existing histories 
of important kings and reigns like those of Jeroboam, Ahab, and Jehu. 

For the Book of the Acts of Solomon, two and possibly three sources ap- Earlier 
pear to have been utilized. The detailed, annalistic material, for example incor 
Try igs 220,28. 20-28) Gt 7t2 gt0-8 10 411%, was presumably taken from) the ace 
annals of his reign. Only written records would preserve many of the rec- Acts of 
ondite facts there found. From the same source may have come the detailed 50!o 
data regarding the ornamentation, furnishing, and dedication of the iene 
ple i in 7°-8¥, but they would more naturally be kept in the temple records, 
citations from which appear later in Kings (cf. p. 17). With these may be 
compared the Babylonian temple accounts which come from a very early 
period (cf. Johns, Bab. and Assyr. Laws, Contracts, and Letters, p. 295). 
Finally there are found in I Kings 3*?* and 10''® * certain popular tradi- 
tions, evidently of early origin, which illustrate Solomon’s wisdom. If the 
reference to the record of the king’s wisdom in 11" is original it would 
strengthen the conclusion that those traditions were found in the Book of 
the Acts of Solomon, although these, like the popular David stories, may 
well have been added by the late prophetic editor. 


63 


Its 
char- 
acter 
and 
date 


Char- 


acter of 


the 
royal 
chron- 
icles 


Their 
con- 
tents 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


In I Kings 3-11 are found also many late prophetic passages evidently 
not from the Book of the Acts, but the original quotations from it suggest 
its general character. It was a reasonably comprehensive history dealing 
with the political and religious events of Solomon’s reign. Its primary aim 
was not religious but rather to record facts. ‘The tendency, however, to 
idealize Solomon and his reign, which became very marked in later genera- 
tions, is apparent. The author was evidently a Judean and probably lived 
not earlier than 800 B.c. He may well have belonged to the early Judean 
prophetic school. His purpose was to carry the Judean history down to 
the division of the Hebrew kingdom. Repetition of the same notices in 
different settings further suggests that his work was supplemented and pos- 
sibly rearranged before it was used by the late prophetic editor. 


6. The Israelitish and Judean Royal Chronicles 


The author of the present book of Kings always refers to the Chronicles 
of the Kings of Israel and the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah as if they 
were distinct books. ‘Their titles also suggest that they were originally in- 
dependent. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that the same events, 
as for example the campaign of Hazael (II Kgs. 10°, 13%, cf. 12'7. 1%), are 
recorded twice in quotations apparently taken from these histories, each 
describing the invasion as it affected one of the two Hebrew kingdoms and 
ignoring its effects upon the other. ‘The character and contents of the 
Chronicles appear to have been very similar to those of the Book of the Acts 
of Solomon. ‘Their exact title, Book of the Acts of Days of the Kings, sug- 
gests that they were histories containing detailed records of events, arranged 
in chronological order, and that their chief sources were the older annals 
of the two kingdoms. ‘The thirty-one references which the editor of Kings 
makes to them and their contents and the quotations which he evidently 
cites from them establish their character. In the first place they included 
a continuous and complete history of all the different reigns. In the case 
of all the kings except Jehoram, Ahaziah, Hoshea, Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin, 
and Zedekiah, who met untimely fates, the editor explicitly states that the 
Chronicles recorded the deeds of each. 

For twenty-three distinct items the reader is referred for information or 
fuller details to the Chronicles. Some of these facts are: Jeroboam’s wars, 
the mighty deeds of Baasha, the treason of Zimri, Ahab’s ivory house, the 
cities built by Asa, Hezekiah’s construction of the pool and conduit, and 
Manasseh’s sin. ‘They deal chiefly with secular subjects, such as the wars, 
building enterprises, successes, and the material splendors of each reign. 
Their attitude toward most of the kings appears to have been commenda- 
tory—in striking antithesis to the adverse judgment passed upon them for 
religious reasons by the author of Kings. The implication of his references 
to these histories is that they contained many more details than he saw fit 
to introduce in his brief summaries. Like the Acts of Solomon, they doubt- 
less contained quotations from older sources. ‘These were, as in the Acts 
of Solomon, the independent annals of the two kingdoms. The citations 


64 


EARLIER HISTORIES IN SAMUEL AND KINGS 


were probably in most cases transcribed verbatim and, having been again 
quoted by the editor of Kings, found a place in our present books. They 
can be recognized by their brief sententious form and by their use of certain 
expressions, as then or at that time, and the peculiar use of the personal pro- 
noun (for the corresponding Babylonian synchronistic chronicle, compare 
Appendix X). 

The author of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah appears also to have Their 

had access to temple records. Extracts from these are found in IJ Kings 11, temple 
12, 16'°1§ and 22°-23%. In these passages the attention is focussed not on records 
the king and the fortunes of the kingdom, but upon the temple and its ritual. 
As in ancient Babylonia, many of the priests were probably scribes, and 
that they would keep a record of the more important events in the temple 
history was most natural. The desire to expand these brief records into 
fuller narratives would also later be felt. They represent the antecedents 
of the much later temple and institutional history found in Chronicles and 
Ezra-Nehemiah. That quotations from the temple records had already 
been incorporated in the Chronicles, to which the editor of Kings refers 
as his main source, is at least probable, although not certain. It is also 
significant that the citations in II Kings 16 are joined immediately to material 
taken from the state annals, with no trace of the harmonistic or introductory 
clauses which the editor usually adds when he himself unites quotations 
from different sources. 

The authors of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel, on the other hand, Also 
appear to have drawn from the older private histories of important kings Pv 
like Jeroboam (I Kgs. 117-*!. 4°, 121-%5), Ahab (201-4, 22'-37), Jehu (II Kgs. tories 
9'-10?"). ‘These personal tistbricd correspond very closely to the early Saul 
and David histories in Samuel. They were probably not written during 
the lifetime, but a generation or two after the death of the given king. ‘They 
give a natural and at the same time sympathetic and favorable portrait of 
him and the events of his reign. The resulting picture is often in striking 
contrast to the very different estimates found in the prophetic sources and 
in the epitomes of the editor of Kings. 

Quotations from the Chronicles and references to them cease with the Period 
reign of Jehoiakim (II Kgs. 24°). They contain none of the expressions fo" ge? 
and ideas peculiar to the late prophetic school which dominated the thought C/ron- 
of the exile. It would seem, therefore, that they were composed some time * 
not long after 597 B.c., between the first and second captivities. Possibly 
the work was begun earlier, and the data regarding the later reigns added 
as appendices by subsequent writers. The Chronicles of the Kings of 
Israel probably attained their final form shortly after the fall of Samaria in 
722 p.c. Together they carried the two great histories of the North and 
South practically down to the final destruction of both kingdoms. 


7. The Early Ephraimite Elijah Stories 


With I Kings 17 is suddenly introduced a unique form of narrative. The 
brief quotations and annalistic style of the preceding chapters are supplanted 


65 


Char- 
acter 
and 
pes of 


Elijah 
stories 


Their 
history 


Their 
original 
extent 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


by a picturesque, detailed story. Interest is centred not in the kings of 
Israel, but in Elijah the Tishbite; not in the insurrections and wars, but in 
the religious and social life of the nation. ‘Towering above the king and 
dominating the history is the commanding personality of the great prophet 
of Gilead. As the spokesman of Jehovah, like Moses in the early prophetic 
or Samuel in the later Ephraimite narratives, he moulds the history. At 
the same time there is a freshness, a concreteness, a directness in the lan- 
guage, and a naturalness and reserve in the representation which stamp 
the stories as comparatively early. ‘The worship at the public shrines like 
Bethel and Dan, with their golden calves, receives no censure, as it does in 
the sermons of Amos and Hosea. ‘The toleration and popular identification 
of the Baal-cult with that of Jehovah are the chief objects of attack. They 
therefore clearly antedate 750 B.c., when Amos appeared at Bethel with his 
revolutionary message. On the other hand, the character of Elijah has 
begun to be clothed with a certain mystery. The tone of the narratives 
suggests that the traditions which they embody were not committed to writing 
until a generation or two after the great prophet had passed away. ‘Their 
approximate date may accordingly be fixed not long after 800 B.c. 

The stories were doubtless treasured in prophetic circles and later kept 
in written form. ‘The spirit and point of view, as well as the direct refer- 
ence to Judah in 19%, as a foreign nation, demonstrate that they came from 
Northern Israel. Occasional expressions, like ajter these things (17'", 21°), 
the designation of the sacred mountain as Horeb (19), and above all the 
commanding role attributed to the prophet proclaim the kinship of these 
with the early Ephraimite prophetic narratives in the opening books of the 
Old ‘Testament (cf. Vol. I, 37-40). Of the two, however, the Elijah stories 
seem to be the more primitive. ‘They were probably the nucleus about 
which gathered the similar narratives which ultimately traced the history of 
the theocratic people back to the days of Abraham. In their light it is for 
the first time possible fully to understand why this school conceived of the 
earliest prophets as clothed with almost omnipotent authority and, like 
Elijah and Isaiah of a later and very different age, shaping from the first 
the history of the Israelitish race. 

In the Greek version the narratives of 17-19 are continued immediately 
by 21, and in this order they probably stood in the original text. Extracts 
from the same source appear in II Kings 1. That they are but extracts 
from a more complete biography of Elijah is clearly shown by the abruptness 
with which he is introduced in 17—many facts being assumed which are 
nowhere stated in the fragments which have been preserved—and by the 
incompleteness of the biography as it stands. Following his usual method 
only those sections were quoted which conserved the broad purpose of the 
prophetic editor of Kings. 


8. The Gilgal Cycle of Popular Elisha Stories 


In I Kings 2'-8'5, 131-1 is found a collection of narratives which centre 
about Elisha. They have all the characteristics of stories long transmitted 


66 


EARLIER HISTORIES IN SAMUEL AND KINGS 


from mouth to mouth. Details regarding the exact setting and the names De- 
of the reigning kings have been lost. The supernatural elements are promi- nas 
nent and the ethical motives are often obscured. In these Elisha figures of the 
as the man of God, the great wonder-worker. That they are later and mente 
modelled after the early Elijah narratives is demonstrated by the fact that }P0" 
the same elements and in some cases almost the identical stories reap- Elijah 
pear in enlarged proportions. Thus for example, the story of the widow’s *””” 
meal and jar of oil that failed not (I Kgs. 17*-!°) reappears in the account of 

the widow’s pot of oil which did not fail until she had, at Elisha’s command, 
drawn enough from it to defray all her debts (II Kgs. 41-’). Closely similar 

to the account of the reviving of the widow’s son by Elijah (I Kgs. 17'7-*4) 

is the story of his resuscitating the Shunammite’s son (II Kgs. 4°%”). It 
would seem that just as the same tale of deception regarding his wife was 
twice told about Abraham in different settings and once about Isaac (cf. 

Vol. I, $13), so in popular tradition, not only the mantle, but also the repu- 
tation of Elijah fell upon his chief disciple. 

The Elisha stories are not as closely knit together as are the Elijah narra- The 
tives. They are rather a bundle of anecdotes, each complete in itself. Minor "f°. 4 
inconsistencies also indicate that they were originally taken from at least two cycles 
distinct groups. ‘Thus for example in 5%’ Gehazi is a leper and therefore Elisha 
an outcast, but in 8‘ he is introduced conversing with the king and is still °° 
the trusted servant of the man of God. ‘There is not the slightest reference 
to the incurable disease with which, according to 5”’, he was afflicted. In one 
cycle of stories Elisha is represented as residing at Gilgal. ‘This is evidently 
not the Gilgal near Jericho but the sanctuary southeast of Shiloh (cf. 2*~). 
‘There he lives in close association with the guild of the sons of the prophets 
which was located at that place (4°°-“). In this cycle there are frequent 
references to these sons of the prophets and their wives. Furthermore, the 
stories without exception all relate to the events of private life, and they re- 
semble most those found in the early Elijah group. Evidently they were 
treasured on the lips of the people living in the West Jordan valley, not 
far from Elisha’s home at Abel-Meholah, and were probably first collected 
by some member of the prophetic guild at the neighboring town of Gilgal. 

In the Gilgal cycle may be included II Kings 2, 41-7 5544, 61-7, It is 1m- Date of 
possible to fix their date exactly. Several generations have evidently trans- (rival 
mitted them orally. They have the Northern Israelitish stamp, but since ey¢le 
the fall of Samaria in 722 B.c. did not mean the deportation of the bulk of 
the inhabitants of Israel, it is possible that they were not put in literary form 
until after that event. This later date also best accords with their general 
character. 


9. The Samaria Cycle of Popular Elisha Stories 


In the other cycle, which included the remaining stories in II Kings 3-8", 
to which may be added 14°", Elisha is conceived of as residing at Samaria, 
the capital (5°, 6% °’), and as being in close touch with the king and court 
(34, 415, 5°, 6® %), Most of the stories reflect his activity not in private 
but in public life, and especially in the wars with Moab and Aram. The 

67 


Its 
date 


Isaiah 
stories 


Work 
of the 
pre- 
exilic 
editors 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


Arameans in fact figure in six out of nine stories belonging to this cycle. No 
references are found to the sons of the prophets, but instead Gehazi is the 
servant, ever attendant upon the prophet (417 1# 8°, 570-27, 618, 84), Like a 
king, Elisha is usually represented as simply giving directions or else sending 
his servant with his potent staff to work the wonders recorded. ‘The earlier 
stories here reflected are found not only in the Elijah group but also in the 
early Ahab history. ‘Thus for example the parallel between I Kings 22 and 
II Kings 3 extends even to similar scenes and language (cf. II Kgs. 37" and 
I Kgs. 22*7). Close analogies may also be traced with certain of the pa- 
triarchal stories, as for example the prediction that the Shunammite woman 
should have a son before a year had passed (cf. 4'° and Gen. 18"). 

It is difficult to determine which of these cycles is the older. ‘They doubt- 
less grew up contemporaneously. The Samaria group, however, clearly 
embodies more historical data and probably was committed to writing 
before the fall of that city in 722 B.c. ‘The fact that Samaria was a literary 
centre would facilitate the process. These two cycles of popular Elisha 
stories were apparently combined—citations being taken alternately from 
each—before they were incorporated as II Kings. The fact that they are 
all introduced together and have received practically no editorial revision 
probably indicates that they were among the latest additions to the book. 
It is more than possible that they came into the possession of the late prophetie 
editor as a result of the conquests and reforming expeditions of Josiah, which, 
according to II Kings 23'* ?°, extended to the sanctuaries of Samaria. 


10. The Isaiah Stories 


It was most natural that in later generations among Isaiah’s disciples 
there should also grow up a cycle of stories associated with him and presery- 
ing in traditional form the memory of his work. ‘Three stories from such 
a group are found in II Kings 18'”-20'° (cf. §§ 122, 124). They are again 
quoted by the editor of the book of Isaiah in 36-39, with the further 
addition of a psalm which is attributed to Hezekiah (38'°?°). The first of 
these narratives is evidently a duplicate of the extract in II Kings 18'~-19*" 
*6, 37, which was apparently taken from a Hezekiah history. In popular 
transmission the details of the incident have been partially forgotten ; while 
in the expansion of the story in 20°", Isaiah like Elisha is conceived of as a 
wonder-worker. The references to the Babylonian exile in 20! 17 indicate 
that these stories were committed to writing after 586 B.c. 


11, The Final Editing of the Books of Samuel and Kings 


This brief study of the sources of Samuel and Kings has sufficed to show 
that many very early elements enter into these composite books, and that 
their growth was gradual, representing a period of fully four centuries. 
Their real author or authors selected the quotations from the older annals, 
biographies, and temple records, arranged them in their present order and, 
in the book of Kings, fitted them into a stereotyped framework (cf. p. 7). 

68 


EARLIER HISTORIES IN SAMUEL AND KINGS 


The Janguage, the expressions, and the distinctively religious ideas of these 
editorial sections are those of the late prophetic group of writers who were 
inspired by the book of Deuteronomy and the great reform of Josiah in 
621 3B.c. (for a detailed list of their words and expressions, cf. Driver, 
LOT, pp. 200-203, Hast. DB I, pp. 859-861). ‘The original editor of Kings 
carried his history down to the reign of Jehoiakim, but apparently writes 
from the point of view of Palestine, and while the Judean state was still 
standing (cf., e.g., to this day, II Kgs. 8”, 16°, 1774*4), 

The exile, which quickly followed, transformed the thought of Israel’s Work 
religious teachers so completely that a later editor, writing probably in Baby- phe 
lonia not long after 561 3B.c., gave to the book of Kings its final form. He eter 
likewise belonged to the late prophetic school, so that it is not always easy 
to distinguish his work from that of his predecessor. He certainly added 
the account of the final destruction of Jerusalem and the liberation of Je- 
hoiachin in 561 B.c. The conception of Jehovah in I Kings 8?’*° and of the 
temple as a place of worship for all peoples is closely akin to that found in 
Isaiah 40-56. Also ** ** seem to imply the point of view of the exile. This 
is also true of IIT Kings 217". It is probable that in their present form the 
prophetic addresses in I Kings 89° and II Kings 217, as well as certain 
other minor additions, are from the latest editor. Later priests and scribes 
added occasional notes, but by 540 B.c. the prophetic historical books of 
Samuel and Kings were practically complete. 


69 


history 


Its 
date 


Method 
of the 
author 


1651 


THE CHRONICLER’S ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF JUDAH 
AND THE TEMPLE 


Excepting in the three or four quotations from the temple records, the 
books of Samuel and Kings are throughout national and prophetic in their 
interests. ‘Their final editors were clearly prophets, and to the same group 
of religious patriots belonged the authors of most of the older sources which 
are quoted. It was natural that the other prominent class of Israel’s teachers, 
the priests, whose interests were distinctly ritualistic and ecclesiastical, should 
also write their own version of the history. Closely corresponding in spirit 
and purpose to the late priestly narratives in the Pentateuch is the parallel 
history of Judah found in the books of Chronicles and their direct contin- 
uation Ezra-Nehemiah. Identity in literary style and point of view, as 
well as the repetition of the opening verses of Ezra (1'-*) at the close of Chron- 
icles (36 75), leaves no doubt that the books are all from the same author 
or editor, and originally constituted one continuous narrative, beginning 
with Adam and concluding with the account of the great priestly reformation 
associated with Ezra (about 400 B.c.). 

The fact that the author of this extensive history speaks of the days of 
Nehemiah and Ezra as though they belonged to the distant past (Neh. 
12%: 47) and the kings of Persia as though he lived under a different rule 
(Ezra 1': 7: ® 3”) at once suggests that he wrote at least from the point of 
view of the succeeding Greek period. Nehemiah 12’ ” also mentions 
Jaddua who was high-priest in 332 B.c., when Alexander conquered Pal- 
estine. The awkward Hebrew which he used, and the highly developed 
ceremonial institutions with which he is familiar, as well as his general point 
of view, indicate that he wrote not earlier than 300 B.c., probably about the 
middle of the third century. 

Again the historical value of the work turns largely upon whether the 
author depended for his facts merely upon the traditions current in his own 
day or upon written sources, and also whether he recast the information, 
which he collected, in his own language, or quoted it practically verbatim 
from much earlier sources. An examination of his work at once demonstrates 
that his method, like that of the editors of Samuel and Kings, was primarily 
compilation. Nearly half of the books of Chronicles consists of exact or 
slightly variant quotations from the Old Testament books of Samuel and 
Kings. Variations in style, point of view, and even minor inconsistencies 
in representation clearly indicate that the greater part of Ezra-Nehemiah, 
and probably certain of the remaining portions of Chronicles, were taken 
bodily from older written sources. The real work of the writer of Chronicles 
and Ezra-Nehemiah was therefore not primarily that of an original author 


70 


THE CHRONICLER’S ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 


but of a compiler and editor. An appreciation of this fact is essential to an 
understanding of his unique history. It also tends to enhance its historical 
value, for it is obvious that in general the nearer the records stand to the 
events the greater their accuracy and authenticity. 

Since his name is not known, the final editor of this extensive histcry may 
be conventionally designated as the Chronicler. From his modifications of 
the older narrative of Samuel-Kings, from his systematic omissions, as well 
as from the passages which came originally from his pen, it is possible to de- 
termine definitely his point of view and distinctive peculiarities. Like the 
writers of the late priestly school, his interests are ecclesiastical rather than 
national, ritualistic rather than prophetic, and didactic rather than historical. 
He was interested in Judah, because in it was the temple, and in the temple, 
because about it gathered the ceremonial institutions which he regarded as 
the beginning and end of existence. History was to him important simply 
because it gave the background and recorded the beginnings of these insti- 
tutions, and because it furnished apt illustrations of the peculiar ethical and 
religious principles which were uppermost in his mind. In common with 
that post-exilic Judaism whose point of view is likewise reflected in the non- 
canonical writings, which he quotes, he was dominated by the natural 
and irresistible tendency to idealize the past and project back into it the 
conditions and institutions existing in his day. Thus a comparison with 
the older parallel narratives of Samuel and Kings at once shows that num- 
bers are often raised from hundreds to thousands (cf. I Chr. 224, II Chr. 
13% 17, 14% °, 1714-19, 28% 8), gold takes the place of brass, the priest of the 
warrior, and a miracle of the victory won by the swords in the hands of 
Israel’s gallant defenders. David is regarded by him as the founder of the 
post-exilic guilds of singers and the organizer of the elaborate temple ritual, 
even though the sanctuary itself was not built until the days of Sclomon 
and did not attain its dominant religious prestige until centuries later. In 
I Chronicles 26 he appears even to have forgotten this fact and refers to the 
gates of the temple (designated by their Persian name) as already existing 
in the day of David. 

The Chronicler lived in an age when zeal for the ritual had almost com- 
pletely obscured the historical perspective. Certain accepted theories were 
also regarded as more authoritative than recorded facts. It was therefore 
doubtless in all honesty that he at times modified his older sources. ‘Thus 
the later idealization of Solomon led him to invert the testimony of I Kings 
911-14 and represent the builder of the temple as receiving certain cities from 
Hiram of Tyre rather than ceding them to him (II Chr. 8’). ‘The later con- 
ception of Jehovah’s rule and the new belief in a personal adversary led him 
to state that David was influenced by Satan, not by Jehovah, to number the 
people (cf. II Sam. 244 and I Chr. 21). To reconcile the story with the more 
familiar version in I Samuel 17, he represents Elhanan as slaying, not Goliath, 
as in II Samuel 21’, but the brother of Goliath (I Chr. 20°). Some of the 
variations from the narrative in Samuel and Kings are doubtless due to the 
fact that the Chronicler followed a different tradition, as for example, when 
he states that Jehoshaphat joined with Ahaziah in a commercial enterprise 


71 


Point 
of view 
and 
pecul- 
larities 
of the 
Chron- 
icler 


Modi- 
fication 
of his 
earlier 
sources 


Omis- 
sions 


history 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


(II Chr. 20%), while according to I Kings 22*° he refused to unite with him. 
Sometimes his quotations from distinct sources introduce absolute contra- 
dictions into his narrative, as for example, when he affirms, following Kings, 
that Asa and Jehoshaphat did not remove the high places (I Kgs. 15‘, 22%, 
II Chr. 15'7, 20°), although, quoting from late traditions which idealized 
these kings, he had already stated that they did remove the high places 
(II Chr. 14°, 17°). In every case the reason for the variation is transparent 
and reveals his peculiar point of view and aim. 

His omissions are equally suggestive. ‘Those facts which did not suit 
his purpose or were contrary to his theory of the history were omitted. Thus 
nothing is said of David’s crimes and the national disasters that followed 
in their train, for in his thought David was the man after God’s own heart, 
to whom was due the conception and organization of the temple. Many 
references to the primitive idolatry which survived in Judah until the Baby- 
lonian exile (e.g., I Kgs. 147-4, IT Kgs. 18*) are passed over in silence; no 
mention is made of Hezekiah’s tribute to Assyria (II Kgs. 18'*"*). Most 
significant of all is the almost complete absence of the Northern Israelitish 
history which figures so prominently in Kings. Saul is only introduced on 
the fatal battle-field of Gilboa, and then to be condemned. For the Chron- 
icler the chosen people are those of the South, and Jehovah is not with Israel 
(I Chr. 257). Judah, Benjamin—which he always associates with the 
southern kingdom—-and Levi are the three tribes which command his first 
attention in the opening genealogies and throughout his history. ‘The 
northern kingdom has so completely vanished from his vision that Israel 
is frequently used as a designation of Judah (e.g., II Chr. 217, 28'°). The 
reason for this omission is obvious. According to his retributive philosophy 
of history the early fall of the northern kingdom was conclusive evidence 
of its rejection by Jehovah. More important still was the historical fact 
that the antecedents of the later Judean community and the temple, which 
alone interested the Chronicler, all went back to Judah, not to Israel. 

His aim, however, was not to give an ordinary history of Judah. Many 
incidents of great political significance are ignored. Nor was it to write 
the history of Israel’s religion, else he would not have passed over without 
mention the great work of Elijah, Amos, and Hosea. It was rather to record 
the history of Judah, conceived of from the first as a sacred state centring 
about the temple, with the priests, the Levites, and earlier the king and his 
court, as its officials. Although the words, church and ecclesiastical, are in 
a sense anachronisms, the Judah which the Chronicler knows and pictures 
is nothing more than an ecclesiastical state, and his narrative as a whole may 
best be designated as the Ecclesiastical History of Judah and the Temple. 

The prominence which he gives to the Levites and the frequency with 
which he introduces into his quotations from earlier sources detailed de- 
scriptions of the temple music and especially of the levitical guilds of singers, 
strongly suggest that he belongs to one of these. Connection with the ruling 
class in the Jewish hierarchy put him in possession of the current priestly 
traditions and doubtless enabled him to consult the then extant histories of 
his race. 


72 


THE CHRONICLER’S ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 


The references of the Chronicler at first glance give the impressiop that His 
in writing I and II Chronicles he had before him a large number of writings 1°", 
in addition to those now included in the Old Testament. Of these sixteen earlier 
distinct titles are given. Four of these, the Book of the Kings of Judah, ‘ries 
the Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel, the Book of the Kings of Israel, 
and the Affairs of the Kings of Israel, are without much doubt variant titles 
of the same work. ‘To these may be added in all probability the title Mid- 
rash of the Book of the Kings (II Chr. 24°), for it is referred to in II 
Chronicles 24 as containing a group of facts kindred to those found in the 
work bearing the preceding titles. Furthermore, as has been acutely urged, 
it is difficult to see why, if distinct and yet relating to the reigns of all the 
kings, it should be referred to but once by the Chronicler. 

Moreover, as will be shown later, most of his quotations from non-canon- Words 
ical sources evidently came from what might most appropriately be desig- dean 
nated a Midrash (cf. p. 26). When the Chronicler at the conclusion of a etsand 
reign does not refer his readers for further information to a book having ome 
one of the five titles cited above, he substitutes some special authority, as 
for example the Words of the Seer Samuel, the Prophet Nathan and the 
Seer Gad (I Chr. 29”), or the Words of Nathan the Prophet and the Prophecy 
of Ahijah the Shilonite and the Visions of Iddo the Seer (II Chr. 9”). 
Each of these titles is connected with the name of some prophet or seer 
mentioned in the history of the period. The fact that they are always in- 
troduced as substitutes for the titles of the more comprehensive work, and 
never appear with them in connection with the same reign, seems to indicate 
that they simply refer to sections of the greater Book of the Kings in which 
these prophets figured. This conclusion is strongly confirmed by such 
passages as IT Chronicles 20*, Now the other acts of Jehoshaphat, the earlier 
as well as the later, have already been recorded in the Words of Jehu the 
son of Hanani, which is inserted in the Book of the Kings of Israel, and 
by the Hebrew version of Ii Chronicles 32°, Now the acts of Hezekiah 
as well as his pious deeds have already been recorded in the Vision of the 
Prophet Isaiah the son of Amoz, in the Book of the Kings of Judah and 
Israel. ‘The natural implication of these statements is that possibly the 
Words and Vision were once originally distinct, but that they then consti- 
tuted a section of the larger work. ‘The remaining title, the Mzdrash of the 
Prophet Iddo (II Chr. 13”), may have been distinct, but it is also possible 
that the Chronicler employed it as synonym of the work attributed to the 
same author and in II Chronicles 9?° and 12" refers to it under the vari- 
ant titles, the Visions of Iddo the Seer and the Words of Iddo the Seer. 

The contents of the books of Chronicles support in general the inferences His 
drawn from the references to earlier sources. The many verbatim quota- aoa | 
tions from the canonical books of Samuel and Kings and especially from the Kings 
sections which came from the late prophetic editor leave little doubt that 
they, like the earlier pentateuchal books, were before the Chronicler and 
were made by him the basis of his work. 

The history of the Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel, to which he so 


often refers, must necessarily remain largely a matter of conjecture. It is 


"3 


The 


Book of 
the 


Kings 
of Ju- 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


certain from the references and probable quotations from it that it was 
distinct from the Old Testament books of Samuel and Kings. It may 
possibly have been based on these, but it also contained much else. ‘This 


dahand additional material may in part have come from the larger Chronicles of the 


Israel 


The 
Mid- 
rash 

of the 
Book o 
the 
Kings 


Kings of Judah and the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel, which the editor 
of Kings frequently mentions. There are occasionally found in the writ- 
ings of the Chronicler detailed statistics which are probably authentic and 
which favor the conclusion that they were ultimately derived from an 
older source. In levitical and priestly circles the older histories would in- 
evitably be modified and expanded very much as the Chronicler treated 
the material of Samuel and Kings. Another familiar and instructive illus- 
tration of the same transforming process is found by comparing the early 
Judean prophetic accounts of the exodus, the wilderness wandering, and the 
conquest of Canaan with the corresponding late priestly versions (cf. Vol. I, 
§$ 63-116). Soon after the beginning of the Babylonian exile the originally 
distinct chronicles of the northern and southern kingdoms may have been 
blended into one work. : 

It does not seem probable that the Chronicler had before him an exilic 
Book of the Kings of Judah and Israel. Certainly most of his data, other 


, than those from the canonical books of Samuel and Kings, if not, as has 


been claimed, his own creation, must have been taken from what may prop- 
erly be called a Midrash of the Book of the Kings. 'The word midrash 
describes a large proportion of the literature of later Judaism. It is derived 
from the Hebrew word meaning to search out, explore. It is applied to an 
edifying story like Tobit, or to an address or exposition intended to bring 
out the implied or hidden meaning of a scriptural passage. Its aim is al- 
ways didactic. If the story is highly embellished, it is to attract the reader 
and emphasize the moral. As in the modern didactic novel, the leading 
characters are frequently introduced simply to give expression to the teach- 
ings of the author (cf. p. 4). The passages not quoted by the Chronicler 
from his canonical source are excellent examples of this type of literature. 
They always relate to prominent historic characters and scenes. They 
usually start with certain well-authenticated facts. Questions suggested in 
the older source are answered at length, numbers are multiplied, all the 
details assume larger and more exalted proportions, right is always richly 
rewarded and wickedness signally punished, miracles are common, and 
prophets and kings deliver noble, majestic, spiritual addresses, embodying 
the best doctrines of later Judaism. Sometimes the story element is more 
prominent and sometimes the addresses. These didactic stories and ad- 
dresses constitute the really distinctive element in the books of Chronicles. 
A few, and possibly all of them, may have been written by the Chronicler, 
who is imbued with their spirit and aim, but some appear to have been 
cited by him from an extensive Midrash of the Book of the Kings which 
probably grew up gradually on the basis of the earlier exilic Book of the 
Kings of Judah and Israel. It must, however, be frankly admitted that the 
evidence which has led the latest commentators, like Benzinger and Kittel, 
to assign a large part of Chronicles to this source is meagre and not altogether 


74 


THE CHRONICLER’S ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 


decisive. ‘The presence of the Chronicler’s peculiar idioms and ideas through- 
out all these sections still furnishes a good basis for the thesis of the earlier 
German critics, who maintained that the Chronicler had but one source, 
Samuel-Kings, and that all else was the creation of his own active imagina- 
tion. On the whole, however, the simplest and most satisfactory explanation 
of all the facts is that he had before him one or two midrashic sources to 
which he frequently refers under many different titles. In vocabulary and 
literary style, as well as in point of view, the stories which he takes from 
them are so closely related to those from the pen of the Chronicler that any 
detailed analysis is necessarily very uncertain and unsatisfactory. Their 
theological and moral ideas and their attitude toward the ritual are also 
closely parallel to those of the Chronicler himself. Some of them so obvi- 
ously favor the Levites at the expense of the priests that they must have 
come, like the book of Chronicles, from the pens of Levites. 

In general they may be dated in the century of religious and national 
revival which followed the reformation associated with Nehemiah and Ezra 
about 400 B.c. When the late priestly law was accepted as the absolute guide + 
of the community, the religious leaders sought not only to conform their 
lives and those of their own generation to its definite and revolutionary de- 
mands, but they also began to rewrite history in order to bring the past into 
harmony with it. At the same time they were influenced by the desire 
to find in the precedents of the past, authority for the usages of their day. 
Thus not only Moses, but also David, Solomon, Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, and 
Josiah were represented as being strict upholders of the post-exilic institu- 
tions. Since these midrashim stand so near in date, as well as point of view 
and literary style, to the work of the Chronicler, even if they could in each 
ease be definitely distinguished, the analysis would be of little value. 

From the same periods probably come the apparent quotations in I Chron- 
icles 15'-!> 2-168, 211-77, 997-18, 981-19, Q9!-°, and possibly the nucleus of 
93-26 and II Chronicles 24‘. They are based upon the briefer narratives 
of Samuel and Kings. These, however, are revised, so that the priests and 
Levites figure as the guardians of the ark, and everything 1s done in accord- 
ance with the late priestly law. The Levites are divided into six classes, 
15°-*, instead of three as elsewhere by the Chronicler. The theme which 
binds together these different sections is their interest in the temple. They 
appear therefore to have been taken from a late priestly temple history, which 
may have been incorporated in the Midrash of the Book of the Kings, but 
was probably originally distinct. 

Thus the Chronicler’s work is the outgrowth of many earlier writings, 
and represents the culmination of a long process of development. He him- 
self does not stand alone, but is rather the final editor or epitomizer of the 
work of a school of writers. Their predecessors were the editors of Judges, 
Samuel, and Kings, who likewise selected their stories to illustrate their 
religious and ethical doctrines. ‘Their contemporaries were those who wrote 
the very late priestly stories in the Pentateuch (e.g., the account of the war 
with Midian, Vol. I, § 101). Their successors were the authors of the 
later Jewish midrashim, who for example in the book of Jubilee rewrote 


75 


Date 
of the 
mid- 
alan 


Ch ron- 
icles 


Late 
priestly 
temple 
history 


Point 
of view 
of the 


icler’s 
school 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


and freely expanded the stories of the patriarchs with a similar didactic aim. 
Time and circumstance explain their lack of the historical sense. Prolonged 
subjection to foreign rulers had excluded the Jews from all participation 
in political life. The shadow of the exile still rested heavily upon them. At 
this time the future offered little to inspire them. ‘Their chief joy and pride 
and comfort were the magnificence of their ritual and the glories of their 
past. Prominent before their eyes were the dazzling splendors of the Persian 
and Greek empires. ‘These furnished their basis by comparison with which 
the facts recorded in the primitive sources of Samuel and Kings seemed 
paltry and insignificant. Idealizing and almost idolizing the leaders and 
great events in the past history of their nation, it was inevitable that 
they should readily overlook the sins and the mistakes, and represent its 
victories and glories on a scale corresponding to that with which they were 
familiar. 
Their Their idealized past also furnished dramatic illustrations of that moral 
Aine order in the universe in which they firmly believed. Aside from their in- 
por terest in the ritual, which to their minds represented worship and true re- 
tions ligion, their supreme purpose was to proclaim that God is just, that he is 
merciful, and that he rules directly and personally in human life. The might 
of armies and nations counts as nothing against him. In the end the right 
will surely win. Obedience and faith in Jehovah are more effective in- 
struments in the hands of Israel’s kings than powerful armies and strong 
alliances. ‘Thus, although the historical perspective of the Chronicler and 
his school is often defective, their stories emphasize certain of the most vita 
spiritual truths. 


76 


IV 


THE ORIGINAL SOURCES AND HISTORICAL VALUE 
OF EZRA-NEHEMIAH 


Wuite the Chronicler aims in the first great division of his work (I and In- 

II Chr.) to show that the ceremonial institutions of his day could all be Por, 
traced back to David and Solomon, in the second, Ezra-Nehemiah, his pur- Lie aS 
pose is to demonstrate that these institutions were revived, in connection Nehe- 
with the second temple, by the exiles who returned from Babylonia. Un- ™2 
fortunately, the parallel prophetic history of Samuel-Kings stops with the 
exile, so that the historian is almost entirely dependent upon the Chronicler 
for information regarding the Jewish community during the Persian period. 
The sermons of Haggai and Zechariah supplement and correct the Chron- 
icler’s portrait at one important epoch (cf. note § 146), and the book of 
Malachi and the prophecies in the latter part of Isaiah throw light upon 
social and religious conditions, but otherwise the additional data are few. 
On the other hand, the Chronicler stands much nearer the events which he 
records in the second great division of his work, and his testimony is accord- 
ingly more valuable. 

Fortunately, his peculiar ideas and tendencies and those of the late priestly Chron- 
and levitical writers whom he quotes, are clearly revealed by comparative 1orf, 
study of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles. ‘These reappear in Ezra-Nehemiah concep- 
and must be reckoned with in reconstructing the true course of the history. of the 
In his mind the priests and Levites are so much more important than the Pose 
laymen, that only the Babylonian exiles, among whom were found the priests history 
who survived the catastrophe of 586 3B.c., were deemed by him eligible to 
rebuild the temple and reinstitute the rule of the law. The people of the 
land—those who survived the captivity and under the inspiring teaching 
of Haggai and Zechariah actually rebuilt the temple in 520 B.c. (cf. note 
§ 146)—were in his eyes ceremonially unclean. ‘The true Israel—like the 
Jewish community of his own day, ruled by priests and devoted solely to 
maintaining the temple ritual and fulfilling the insistent demands of the 
ceremonial law—is the chief actor in his history. As in the midrashim of 
Chronicles, events are the results of direct divine intervention. Jehovah is 
represented as influencing the most powerful Persian kings to pour upon 
the returning exiles the wealth of the empire and to issue decrees, the lan- 
guage and purport of which were well calculated to satisfy the strictest 
priestly patriot. Ezra 1, 3'-45 and 6'° are excellent illustrations of the 
Chronicler’s conceptions of the revival of the Jewish community. Un- 
doubtedly important historical facts are at the basis, but the idealized char- 
acter of the narrative is clearly revealed by comparing it with the early 
record found in Haggai 1 or Ezra 5°-6". 


70 


His 
sources: 
the 
Ara- 
maic 
docu- 
ment 


Nehe- 
miah’s 
me- 
moirs 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


The analysis of Chronicles has demonstrated, however, that the Chron- 
icler was not primarily an author, but a compiler. ‘This fact also determines 
the great historical value of Ezra-Nehemiah. He makes long, verbal quo- 
tations from three or four older sources. ‘The first is the Aramaic document 
cited in Ezra 5°-6". It records an unsuccessful attempt by the local Per- 
sian satrap to stop the building of the temple. Not only is the language 
different, but the vocabulary and literary style are distinct from those of 
the Chronicler. A Persian monarch like Cyrus is referred to simply as the 
king, implying that the document was at least composed before the Greek 
period, when he was designated as the king of Persia. At the same time 
the Jewish form of the decree in 6°” suggests that that idealizing process 
had begun, which is still more prominent in the sections which come from 
the Chronicler (cf. Appendix XII for a recently discovered decree of Darius). 
In general, however, the data, which it presents, may be regarded as au- 
thentic. Probably from the same series of documents, which appear to 
have recorded the official relations between the Persian government and 
the Judean community, was taken the other Aramaic section in Ezra 47. 
It is very loosely connected with its context, which relates to the rebuilding 
of the temple, while it records an independent attempt to restore the walls. 
Its true setting is to be found in connection with the work of Nehemiah 
(cf. note § 155). Whether or not these Aramaic documents were more ex- 
tensive and furnished the Chronicler additional data is an interesting ques- 
tion, which cannot be definitely answered. Ezra 1 appears to be his ex- 
pansion and idealization of the facts derived from the Aramaic document 
quoted in 5*-6*, The continuation of Ezra 1, found in I Esdras 5*7—6§ 
(cf. § 144), and Ezra 3'-4° may possibly contain some older data derived 
from his Aramaic source, but there is no conclusive evidence. 

The oldest and by far the most important source quoted by the Chron- 
icler is the memoirs of Nehemiah. Written to record the stirring events in 
which he was the leader, they rank as in many ways the most authentic and 
valuable historical document in the Old Testament. In a concise, straight- 
forward, vivid narrative this noble Jewish patriot tells of how he accom- 
plished the seemingly impossible task of rebuilding the ruined walls of Jeru- 
salem and of reconstructing fundamentally the moral and religious standards 
of the degenerate Jewish community. In Nehemiah 1'—7*, with the probable 
exception of chapter 3, the Chronicler quotes bodily from this source. Unless 
it is found in 11" ?, the sequel to 7°* has been lost in the complex process of 
editorial readjustment, to which the material in Ezra-Nehemiah has been 
subjected. ‘The conclusion of the account of the rebuilding of the walls 
is probably to be found in 12% 8 87-40. Jn 13%! Nehemiah’s energetic 
reforming spirit again finds expression. Since the section concerns the 
reform of the ceremonial life of the community, the Chronicler has evidently 
here departed from his usual custom in quoting from the memoirs of Nehe- 
miah and recast and supplemented his source at several points (cf. note 
§ 158). ‘The references in * ° also imply that he failed to reproduce that 
part of the memoirs which probably told of Nehemiah’s other acts as governor 
and of his return to Artaxerxes. Otherwise we appear to be in complete 


78 


SOURCES AND VALUE OF EZRA-NEHEMIAH 


possession of the autobiography of the most important Jew of his age. The 
preservation of this document, which records the work not of a priest nor of 
a Levite, but of a layman, must forever be reckoned to the Chronicler’s 
credit. It certainly represents his greatest service to history. Upon a brief 
but exceedingly important period, which is preceded and followed by cen- 
turies of comparative obscurity, it throws the clear light of contemporary 
testimony. 

Nehemiah’s memoirs also furnish a definite starting point for the con- 


sideration of the complex and difficult problems presented by the remaining ,; 
chapters of Ezra-Nehemiah. Within the past decade an extensive literature 1 


has grown up about them (cf. Appendix I), in which very diverse conclu- 
sions have been maintained by different scholars. Basing his deductions 
upon a careful, exhaustive study of the vocabulary and literary style, Pro- 
fessor Torrey in his Composition and Historical Value of Ezra-Nehemiah 
concludes that they were all originally written by the Chronicler, and that 
Ezra is but the creation of his imagination. Others maintain that in Ezra 
77-9'5, 10, we have verbatim quotations from Ezra’s memoirs, and in Nehe- 
miah 77°10 documents of the time of Ezra (cf., ¢.g., Guthe, The Book of 
Ezra and Neh. in SBOT). This position naturally carries with it the ac- 
ceptance of the testimony of these records as substantially historical. ‘These 
wide variations in opinion are possible from the historical point of view, 
because Ezra is mentioned nowhere else in the Old ‘Testament outside Ezra- 
Nehemiah. Even in Ben Sira’s list of Israel’s immortals (written about 190 
B.c.) the name of Ezra is not found beside those of Zerubbabel, Jeshua, ana 
Nehemiah (49'!-%). This omission is all the more significant because Ben Sira 
himself is an intelligent and reverent disciple of the law and of the traditions 
that gathered about it. Likewise in the still later traditions found in II Mac- 
cabees 1'°-8 Nehemiah, not Ezra, is the one who is represented as coming 
back from Babylon to Jerusalem to restore the worship. In estimating the 
work and relative importance of these two men it is significant that outside 
the writings of the Chronicler the one, a priest and scribe, is ignored and 
the other, a layman, is honored for the next three or four centuries by Juda- 
ism, the chief interest of which nevertheless centred in ceremonialism and 
the law. 


Many of the otherwise insuperable difficulties of Ezra-Nehemiah dis- Priority 


appear, when it is recognized that, if at all historical, the work of Ezra must 


re) 
Nehe- 


miah’s 


have followed, not preceded that of Nehemiah. If an expedition of the size ™a2 


and importance of the one described in Ezra 8 had gone to Judah only thir- 
teen years before, it is incredible that Nehemiah would have made no refer- 
ence to it, and also have found conditions in Jerusalem as he did. Not one 
of the ardent reformers mentioned in Ezra 8 is referred to in Nehemiah’s 
detailed record. ‘The leaders of the community also, instead of being ready 
to submit to any sacrifice, are even suspicious of the man who comes to help 
them build their walls. Moreover, after the community had submitted to 
Ezra’s sweeping measures, Nehemiah’s mild reforms are meaningless. On 
the other hand, such an expedition as Ezra is represented as leading back to 
Judah was a practical impossibility before Nehemiah had fortified Jerusalem, 


79 


Present 
order 


Orig- 
inal 


order of 


the 
Ezra 
narra- 
tive 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


reorganized the community, and brought the dismembered sections of the 
Jewish race into sympathetic touch with each other. Likewise his pioneer 
reforms, enforced by his energy and authority and claim to the gratitude of 
the Palestinian community, alone make credible the revolutionary changes 
associated with Ezra and realized in the character of later Judaism. Direct 
evidence also may be found in Ezra’s prayer in Ezra 9, in which he gives 
thanks that the wall of Jerusalem has been rebuilt and Judah’s defences 
restored (vs. °). Instead of a defenceless, afflicted city, he found a strong, 
populous community, ready to follow him to any extreme, even if it involved 
the severance of all relations with foreigners and the rending asunder of 
their homes (Ezra 10). 

The present impossible order of events in Ezra-Nehemiah is probably due 
to the Chronicler’s desire to give Ezra, the priest and scribe, the precedence 
over Nehemiah. His free readjustment of his sources is illustrated not only 
in Chronicles but also repeatedly in Ezra-Nehemiah. Thus for example 
the account of an attempted interruption of the rebuilding of the walls in 
the days of Artaxerxes he introduced in 47 as an explanation of why the 
temple was not completed before the days of Darius. In Nehemiah 12*- 
13° the analogy is even closer. Just before the quotation in 13'°, which 
tells of Nehemiah’s pioneer regulations providing for the income of the 
Levites and singers, he himself adds a section, 12**’, in which it is stated 
that this arrangement had already been made and was in force in the days 
of Zerubbabel and in the days of Nehemiah (§ 158). Possibly the original 
Ezra tradition read in Ezra 7 the thirty- or jorty-seventh year of Artaxerxes, 
or the reference may have been to Artaxerxes I] or HI. It is more probable, 
however, that the Chronicler simply introduced his favorite number to estab- 
lish the priority of Ezra. Additional evidence of his desire to give Ezra a 
prominent position is found in the fact that he also in Nehemiah 12* places 
Ezra at the head of the procession of priests at the dedication of the walls, 
although the older sources give no suggestion that this priestly reformer was 
then at Jerusalem. 

That the similar material in Nehemiah 77°-10°°, which is injected into the 
midst of the quotations from Nehemiah’s memoirs, belongs with the dis- 
membered section, Ezra 7-10, was even recognized by the editor of I Esdras, 
who introduces Nehemiah and immediately after Ezra 10. Of the many 
attempts to restore the original order, that of Torrey alone gives a connected 
and consistent narrative: Ezra 7, 8, Nehemiah 77°8'8, Ezra 9, 10, Nehe- 
miah 9, 10. With the exception of the editor’s introduction, Ezra 7'°, and 
a few supplemental passages, the unity of representation and ideas is con- 
firmed by the constant recurrence of the same peculiar words and expres- 
sions. It must be admitted that the strenuous efforts of certain scholars to 
find here the work of several different authors is a failure. Even those sec- 
tions in which Ezra is represented as speaking in the first person are not 
exceptions. As Professor Torrey has further demonstrated, nowhere out- 
side that book itself do we find more, if as many, of the literary character- 
istics that distinguish the book of Chronicles. They are so marked and recur 
in nearly every verse with such persistency that all possibility is eliminated 


80 


SOURCES AND VALUE OF EZRA-NEHEMIAH 


that this is due to mere chance. This fact is fully recognized and further The 
illustrated in great detail by Geissler (in Die literarischen Beziehungen E#2 _ 
der Esramemoiren), who, however, maintains that the Chronicler was not tive 
he original author of the narrative. Contents and method of representation the 
also emphasize the close relationship with the narratives of Chronicles. If Shot 
a majority of the distinctive passages in that book are from the Chronicler, school 
he is unquestionably the author of the Ezra narrative. But if, as seems 
more probable (cf. pp. 26, 27), he quoted largely from the mzdrashim which 
came from the very late priestly school to which he belonged and of which 

he was the final editor, he here again figures in his ordinary rdle of editor 

and reviser. ‘The arbitrary manner in which he has rearranged the narrative, 
dismembering it without adjusting the parts to their new settings, strongly 
suggests that he had an older document before him. Certain grammatical 

and stylistic peculiarities, as well as characteristic words and idioms, also 
distinguish this Ezra narrative from the passages elsewhere assigned to the 
Chronicler (cf. Geissler, LBE pp. 22-24). His own additions can also be 
detected at several points. As Geissler has shown, the earlier scriptures 
most quoted are the pre-exilic and exilic prophets, Deuteronomy, and the 
Holiness Code, but not the later sections of the priestly code, which figure 
most prominently in the writings of the Chronicler. 

The possibility that Ezra himself wrote a memoir and that we have quo- Evi- 
tations from it is therefore not absolutely precluded, but literary and his- 4°¢° 
torical considerations do not support it. The vocabulary and literary struct- the | 
ure of what may be called the Hzra narrative proclaim that it stands nearer narra- 
the Chronicler and the author of Esther than Nehemiah or the late priestly H¥°/'s 


ideal- 
writers. Its contents support the same inference. ‘The decree of Artaxerxes, ized 


Ezra 7'!-, the account of the fabulous wealth brought back by the exiles, eid 
ait and the sudden conversion of the Judean community read much more 
like the midrashim in Chronicles than Nehemiah’s detailed memoirs. The 
parallels between the history of Nehemiah and that of Ezra are also many 
and striking: the liberal decree of Artaxerxes, the journey to Jerusalem 
with a following and unusual authority, the preliminary study of the con- 
ditions, the detailed reforms, and finally the recording it all in the form of a 
personal memoir. It is significant that practically every element in the cove- 
nant recorded in Nehemiah 10 corresponds to a distinct reform instituted 
by Nehemiah (13**'). When we add to this the conspicuous absence of 
any other references to Ezra in the literature of the next three or four cen- 
turies, the conviction deepens that this is partly idealized history, in which 
the mantle of Nehemiah has fallen upon Ezra. An instructive analogy might 
be drawn between the Nehemiah-Ezra and the Elijah-Elisha stories. Elijah 
and Nehemiah were both men who met grave crises with dauntless courage 
and energy, and as a result of their achievements set to work forces which 
revolutionized the subsequent history of their race. Later schools of writers, 
however, manifested a strong tendency to transfer the renown of their work 
to two of their successors who represented more perfectly the ideals of the 
later school in which the Elisha and Ezra traditions respectively assumed 


their final literary form (cf. pp. 18-20). 
81 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


Its At the same time there is good reason for believing that Ezra, as well as 
histor- Flisha, actually lived and that he performed an important, although less 
signifi conspicuous service than tradition attributed to him, in introducing the 
cane’ priestly law to the Judean community. As portrayed, he and his acts faith- 
fully symbolize that fundamental and probably gradual reformation which 
converted the weak, discouraged people to whom Nehemiah and the author 
of Malachi spoke into a body of heroes and martyrs, who in the Maccabean 
struggle won religious and political freedom. 
Origin The remaining chapters of Ezra-Nehemiah consist chiefly of genealogical 
otne: lists in which the Chronicler was deeply interested. The data incorporated in 
logical them may in part have been derived from the Book of the Chror icles, to which 
he refers in Nehemiah 12%, but their setting and present literary form are 
clearly due to the editor himself. It must be admitted that their historical 
value is slight, except as they reveal the organization of the Judean com- 
munity in the days of the Chronicler and in the immediately preceding 
century. ‘The census of the Jews in Palestine in the latter part of the Persian 
period (cf. note § 165) has been introduced by the editor into the Nehemiah 
history and again in Ezra 2, where it purports to give the list of those who 
returned soon after 538 B.c. 
His- Thus in its present form, as it comes from the Chronicler, Ezra-Nehemiah 
gives the reader a confused and misleading conception of the real course of 
of post-exilic history. And yet side by side with the dull and almost valueless 
Nehe- genealogical lists, this book contains some of the most detailed and exact 
historical writings in all the Old Testament. In a fragmentary manner, 
whole and yet with vivid flashes of light at critical points, it records the rebuilding 
of the second temple, the elaborate development of its ritual, the revival 
of the Judean state, the return of the exiles, the unification of the Jewish 
race, and the birth of that Judaism which treasured the writings and tra- 
ditions incorporated in the Old Testament and furnished the background 
and atmosphere of the New. 


82 


Vv 
THE RECORDS OF THE MACCABEAN AGE 


THE list of the Jewish high-priests in Nehemiah 12'° ™ carries the history 
of the Jewish people down to the conquests of Alexander in 332 B.c. This 
leaves a period of over three centuries, until the birth of Christ, regarding 
which the historical records in the present Protestant Bible are absolutely 
silent. It is, however, one of the most important periods in biblical and 
Israelitish history. It was during these centuries that several of the books of 
the Old Testament, such as Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, Eccle- 
siastes, and Esther were written, and many more like Proverbs and Psalms 
crystallized into their present form. It also witnessed the gradual growth 
and practical completion of the canon of the Old Testament. ‘These mem- 
orable three centuries not only bind the Old Testament to the New, but 
represent the final development of that Judaism which is the outgrowth of 
the life recorded in the Old Testament. Without a knowledge of the events 
and forces of this revolutionizing era, any study of either of the Testaments is 
necessarily incomplete. It was then that Greek and Jewish ideas and civili- 
zation met in mortal combat and later contributed each their peculiar mes- 
sage to Christianity. Out of the fires of persecution came that passionate 
love for race, for law, for traditions, and for Jerusalem, which fused all the 
scattered members of the Jewish nation together, and which has kept them 
practically intact until the present. ‘Then the feud between Jew and Samar- 
itan reached its height of bitterness, and through the conversion of the Idu- 
means at the edge of the sword, the malign influence of the Herodian house 
became a potent factor in Jewish history. ‘Then also the Jews of Galilee and 
Perea were brought into religious union with those of Judea. The same 
transitional epoch saw the birth and full development of the Pharisaic and 
Sadducean parties. The brilliant victories under the leadership of Judas 
Maccabeus and his successors gave the Jews that taste of liberty and conquest 
which made them so restive under the rule of Rome and so eager to welcome 
the visions of a temporal Messianic kingdom. 


Impor< 
tance 
of the 
Greek 
and 
Macca- 
bean 
periods 


Fortunately, the most important events of this reign are recorded in detail Value 


in two books which are still included in the Old Testament canon accepted 


recent times been dropped from the Protestant Bible. In the case of several 
of the so-called Apocryphal Old Testament books the conclusions of the 
Reformers and the final decision of the Bible Societies, during the earlier 
part of the last century, are amply justified. But the tendency which is be- 
coming so marked among thoughtful Bible students in this country and in 
Europe to restore at least in practice such a book as I Maccabees to its 
rightful place beside Samuel and Kings is sane and thoroughly justified by 
the facts. Its lateness and the fact that, unlike Ecclesiastes and many Psalms, 


83 


and 
canon- 


by the Greek and Roman Catholic churches, and which have only in very it of 


ae- 
cabees 


Orig- 
inal 
title of 
I Mac- 
cabees 


trans- 
lations 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


it was not associated with revered names like those of Solomon or David, 
alone kept it out of the Palestinian Jewish canon. Otherwise its historical 
title to a place in the Old Testament is well established. Measured by the 
more fundamental and enduring standards of value and authority, its claim 
to a place in the Old Testament is well supported. As has just been noted, 
the events which it records are surpassed in importance and inspiring qualities 
by none in Israelitish history. Judas and Simon are certainly as brave and 
noble types as David and Solomon. The deeply patriotic and religious 
spirit in which it is written compares favorably with that of Samuel, Kings, 
or Chronicles. As a vivid, faithful record of the events of which it speaks 
it is equalled by no other Jewish writing. 

While its historical title to canonicity is equally valid, II Maccabees does 
not rank with the first book. Its theme, however, is in general the same, and 
it supplements the earlier history at many points. Its spirit is also strongly 
religious, although far less historical. It may be compared with the Chron- 
icler’s late ecclesiastical history. In both the primary aim is not merely to 
record events, but rather to edify and instruct. Nowhere else in pre-Christian 
Jewish literature does the belief in the resurrection of the dead find such 
clear expression (cf. 7% 1 ** 3°, 128-4, 144). In a great variety of ways it 
effectively aids in bridging the chasm which otherwise yawns between the 
history and teaching of the Old Testament and that of the New. 

The present titles to the Maccabean histories were given by the Greek 
translators on the basis of their contents. ‘The term Maccabean was derived 
from the surname or possibly the original name of the chief hero in the his- 
tory. The Jews themselves, however, never applied it to the histories nor 
to the members of his family, but used instead the term Hasmonean (or 
Asmonean), the family name of the house of Mattathias. The original 
Hebrew or Aramaic title of 1 Maccabees, which was known to Origen (ef. 
Eusebius, HE 6), was probably Book (or History) of the Hasmoneans. 
This title is certainly a felicitous designation of the history which records 
the achievements of the different members of the famous Hasmonean house 
and the events of their rule. 

The independent testimony of Origen and Jerome that it was originally 
written in Hebrew is completely confirmed by the presence in every verse 
of characteristic Semitic idioms, and above all by the fact that certain of the 
obvious errors in the Greek text, which alone survives, are due to the failur 
of the translator to understand his Hebrew original. Frequently it is possible 
by restoring the Hebrew to correct the current translation. The original 
Hebrew version was early lost, probably because it never found a place in 
the Palestinian canon of the Old Testament, while the Greek, accepted as 
canonical by the Jews of the dispersion, survived. ‘This translation is exact 
without being slavishly literal, and was evidently made by a Jew who was 
well acquainted with the Hebrew and yet master of a good Greek style 
which was well adapted to the subject matter. Josephus in his history, 
Jerome in the Vulgate, and the translator of the Syriac version all depended 
upon the Greek text. 

The author of I Maccabees was evidently a Jew and a native of Palestine, 


84 


RECORDS OF THE MACCABEAN AGE 


as is shown by his minute acquaintance with its topography and comparative Its 
ignorance of places and affairs outside Judea. His familiarity with political 244 
events and court intrigues strongly suggests that he was a man of rank and 
in close touch with the leaders of his day. His loyalty to each of the Macca- 
bean rulers and evident approval of their policy indicate that, if affiliated 
with either of the leading parties of the state, it was with the Sadducean, 
rather than the Pharisaic, which soon after the restoration of the temple 
began to view askance the political and military ambitions of Judas’s suc- 
cessors. It is as a devoted and enthusiastic patriot that he writes his 
history. The earlier historical books are his models. The familiar ex- 
pressions, to this day (13°°), or, now the rest of the acts of John and his 
wars and his brave deeds—behold they are recorded in the Chronicles of 
his high priesthood (16 ™, cf. 9”), indicate that he wrote with the feeling 
that he was the true successor of the earlier Hebrew historians. His spirit 
is devout, and he is by no means blind to the religious significance of the 
stirring deeds that he records, but his first aim is simply historical, that is, 
to produce a simple, vivid narrative of events. His own reflections he 
keeps for the most part to himself, but his enthusiasm and piety doubtless 
find expression in the exalted addresses, usually in the form of poetry, which 
are uttered by Mattathias (27% ‘°*°), Judas (3'*”, 4°"), and the people 
(350-88). "These and other passages reveal a man zealous for the religious 
institutions of his race, assured of its noble destiny, but believing that this 
was to be realized not by miracles but through men who combined faith 
with courage and action. 

The author of I Maccabees records the death of Simon 135 B.c. and refers Its 
in the epilogue, 16%: #4, to the wars of John Hyrcanus and the rebuilding 7 
of the walls which belong to the earlier part of his reign, between 135 and 
125 B.c. ‘The absence of any reference to the later important acts of John’s 
reign, as for example the conquest of Idumea and the destruction of 
Samaria, indicate that the history was probably completed by 125 B.c. It 
also reflects throughout the national pride and exultation that reached their 
height during the days of Simon and the earlier part of the reign of John 
Hyrcanus. ‘There is no suggestion of the clouds that began to gather during 
the latter part of John’s reign, because of the opposition of the Pharisees, 
nor of the storm of civil war which swept over Judea during the reign of 
Alexander Janneus. The Romans, instead of being regarded as the future 
conquerors of Judea, are spoken of as distant allies whose friendship is most 
desirable. On the other hand there is no positive evidence pointing to a 
later date. Instead, the minute details, the marvellous acquaintance with 
men and facts and forces are best explained by the conclusion that the author 
was reporting events with which he was personally familiar. 

The unity of I Maccabees and the absence of abrupt transition and con- Its 
tradiction distinguish it from books like Samuel and Kings, which are com- Snq— 
pilations from earlier sources. Furthermore, aside from the two stereotyped rap ty 
formulas, which he introduced in imitation of the earlier historians (9”, 
16%), the author nowhere gives the slightest suggestion that when he wrote, 
earlier sources relating to the period were in existence. ‘The simple, straight- 


88 


General 
charac- 


ter of 


ca 


Cyrene 


His 
date 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


forward style of the book is most like that of Nehemiah’s memoirs, and in 
dicates that popular traditions contributed very little, if anything, toit. From 
the first it probably took its position as the standard history of the period. 
It is the only Jewish source quoted by Josephus for this epoch, and he appears 
to have known it in practically its present form. It has been questioned 
whether certain of the documents incorporated in the book are not late 
additions (especially 10%-*, 1477-47, 15"*-*4), That these are exact copies of 
the original edicts and letters is not probable, but that the epitomes were 
made by the author of I Maccabees, who was in a position to be familiar 
with their conditions, seems on the whole the most natural explanation of 
the facts. 

In passing from the sober, exact, carefully dated records of I Maccabees 
to the second book the transition is most marked. In his preface, 2'*-, 


iI Mac- the author of the present book of If Maccabees states that his work was an 


abridgment of a longer work of five volumes written by Jason of Cyrene. 
Being a Jew of the dispersion, Jason naturally wrote in Greek. This is 
further proved by the absence of Semitic idioms, and the flowing and highly 
ornate Greek style which is the antithesis of that employed in I Maccabees. 
The vocabulary is also extensive, and many rare words occur. Its faults 
and its virtues are those of the Alexandrian Greek school of writers. 

The two letters prefixed to the book may be authentic, but they simply 
relate to the feast of Dedication, and were probably added later to the his- 
torical section which begins with 3. The important question is, who was 
Jason of Cyrene, whose history is the basis of the present book? Unfort- 
unately, the evidence must be derived from the epitome of his work. His 
knowledge of everything that relates to Syria is far more accurate than in 
the case of Egypt or Palestine (cf. 4°" °°, 5%, 8%, 12, 14'7), which suggests 
that when he wrote his home was at or near Antioch rather than in Cyrene 
in northern Africa. His aim in writing, like that of his epitomizer, was 
probably to edify his readers, the Jews of the dispersion. He differs too 
often in the order of events, as well as details, from I Maccabees to have been 
acquainted with that work. From the nature of his material it seems clear 
that his sources were oral traditions, emanating in some cases at least from 
eye-witnesses. Regarding the wars of Judas in 164-163 B.c. he has pre- 
served two variant versions, 10!4-38, 12!9-45, Jn 1373-78 and 1118-7! are what 
appear to be two confused accounts of the final treaty with Lysias. Further, 
the evidence that he utilized originally independent traditions is found in 
the fact that Timotheus, whose death is recorded in 10°’, is described in 12 
as again leading a campaign. 

Depending as he does on the oral testimony of those who were contem- 
porary with the events, it is probable that Jason wrote his history some time 
between 160 and 140 B.c. The wide variations from I Maccabees do not 
necessarily point to a considerable lapse of time, but are rather due to the 
fact that the author of the one was actuated by the historical spirit, and 
was in personal touch with the events which he recorded, while the other 
was largely dependent upon oral tradition, which develops with marvellous 
rapidity in the East. 


86 


RECORDS OF THE MACCABEAN AGE 


The epitomizer plainly states that his aim was simply to abridge the Date 
larger work. He does not appear to have utilized any other sources. His °°4, ¢¢ 
method seems to have been, as he implies in his preface (2***), to quote the . 
those passages which seemed to him attractive and edifying, omitting others miner 
which dealt with uninteresting details, and briefly to epitomize still others. 

His work was not known to Josephus, although it was evidently before Philo 
and the author of Hebrews (cf. 11°* **), from which it may be inferred 
that he lived somewhere between 60 and 10 B.c. and wrote at Alexandria. 

The historian Niese has recently maintained (in his Kritik der beiden Rela- 
Makkabaerbiicher) that II Maccabees is equal or superior to I Maccabees at f°, 
many points. He is undoubtedly right in his contention that the second ical 
has preserved valuable historical facts: but unless all evidence regarding of Land 
the origin and purpose of the two books is to be disregarded, there is no reef 
doubt that the first is by far the more reliable in reconstructing the history. 
External as well as internal evidence supports in general the order of events in 
I Maccabees, and where it is contradicted by IL Maccabees the error is in 
most cases to be found in the latter. Where II Maccabees is the only witness, 
its historical testimony may be utilized after due allowance has been made 
for its well-known tendencies to exaggerate. In general the two histories 
confirm and supplement each other and together give a remarkably vivid 
and detailed picture of the Maccabean struggles. 

The book of Esther may be counted as one of the indirect sources for Date of 
the Maccabean period. In an intensified and far from attractive form it £26), o¢ 
expresses the proud, almost insolent (cf. Mordecai’s refusal to recognize the Esther 
authority of Haman) attitude of the Jews toward the heathen, which was 
the outgrowth of the Maccabean conflicts and victories. It reflects the 
same vindictive spirit that led them under John Hyrcanus and Alexander 
Jannzus to slay by thousands their Idumean, Samaritan, and Philistine 
foes. The presence of both Aramaic and Persian words and the literary 
style of the book indicate that it comes from a comparatively late date. The 
Persian empire lies in the vague past and many of the established usages of 
its court have been forgotten. The proselyting spirit, which did not appear 
in Judaism until the Greek and Maccabean periods, is also present (9?7). 

From the nature of its theme it is impossible to determine the exact date of 
the book. It may be assigned with assurance to the second century B.c. 
According to the concluding sentence in the Greek translation, this version 
was known in Egypt by 114 B.c. (if the reference be to Soter II), which 
points to the first part or middle rather than the second half of the century. 

The improbabilities and impossibilities of the story have long been recog- Evi- 
nized. That a Persian king would make an Amalekite and then a Jew thar at 
his prime-minister and a Jewess his queen was contrary to all the firmly is a ro- 
established customs of the empire. It is also incredible that he would ~~ 
permit and even decree the slaughter not only of all the Jews but also of 
thousands of his Persian subjects and that, after eleven months’ warning, 
they would make no resistance. ‘The chronological difficulties are equally 
great. Thus, for example, Mordecai, transported to Babylon in 597 B.c., 
in 474 becomes Xerxes’s prime-minister. ‘The events of the book are also 


87 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


dated at the time when the king was engrossed in his disastrous campaigns 
in Greece and when Amestris, a cruel and dominating woman, was queen 
(Herod. 74, 9”). Above all, the highly dramatic representation and coloring 
indicate that it is one of the popular stories or midrashim with which later 
Jewish literature abounded. 


Its Its obvious purpose was to give the traditional origin, and to encourage 
pad the observance of the feast of Purim (9'7-*?). A German scholar (Jensen, 


origin Klamitische Eigennamen) has recently called attention to the fact that 
Hamman was the chief deity of the Elamites, whose capital was Susa (Shu- 
shan), while Marduk (from which the name Mordecai is derived) was the 
leading god of the Babylonians. In the same pantheon and related to 
Marduk was the goddess Ishtar, whose name appears in the later Baby- 
lonian as E'stra, which would be Esther in the Hebrew. Similarly Vashti is 
the name of an Elamite deity. Thus it would seem that the story, like the 
account of creation in Genesis 1, originated among the Babylonians. It 
apparently reflected the ancient hostility between them and the Elamites, 
each people being represented by its chief deities. If so, it has been freely 
adapted by the Jewish story-teller, who heightens the dramatic interest by 
making Mordecai a descendant of the family of Saul and Haman of Agag, 
the Amalekite king captured by Saul (I Sam. 15). 

Pos- If this is the origin of the story, the feast probably also once commemo- 

eke rated a great victory of the ancient Babylonians over their hereditary foes 

aenere the Elamites. The non-Hebrew word, Purim, seems to be derived from 

of the the Babylonian pur, stone, which would point to their custom of casting the 

ee lot to determine the date of the feast, as they are known to have done in the 
case of their great New Year’s festival; or it may come from the Babylonian 
puhru, assembly. If it was adopted by the Jews of the East from the Baby- 
lonians, it retained its secular character and continued to be observed simply 
as a time of general merry-making. As a modern analogy, attention has 
been called to the fact that the Jews to-day in many Christian countries 
celebrate the Christmas festival. 

Place The interest and aim of the book of Esther are thoroughly secular. Its 

Visther morality is far removed from that of Israel’s noblest prophets. Aside from 

inthe their commendable courage and loyalty to race, no thoughtful teacher would 
hold up Esther or Mordecai as examples to be emulated. The spirit that 
seems to exult in the slaughter of thousands simply because they are heathen 
is as alien to the better genius of Judaism as to that of Christianity. It is 
not strange that the place of the book in the Jewish canon was long and hotly 
contested by the Jewish scribes, and although the Christians adopted the 
Palestinian canon 2m toto, its position in it has repeatedly been challenged. 
Certainly no one to-day would maintain that its claim on historical or ethical 
or religious grounds was superior or equal to those of I and II Maccabees 
or Ben Sira or the Wisdom of Solomon. If, however, the Old Testament 
is regarded as the faithful record of the many-sided life and thought of that 
Israelitish race through which Jehovah gradually revealed his universal 
purpose, then the book of Esther may still be accorded its traditional place. 


88 


VI 


THE RECOVERY OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT OF THE 
HISTORICAL BOOKS 


TuE oldest existing manuscripts of the Old Testament books, with possibly The 
one or two minor exceptions, come from the tenth and eleventh centuries 4", 
of the present era. This surprising lack of comparatively ancient texts is preser- 


due to the fact that the copies were written on perishable papyrus, parch- oF ee 
ment or leather, and when they became worn they were, because of their Han OM 
sanctity, systematically destroyed by the Jews, that they might not be thrown 

aside anc suffer pollution. When it is recalled that the surviving manu- 
scripts of the earlier historical records were made eighteen hundred years 
after the originals were written, the marvel grows that they are as well pre- 
served as they are. Their accuracy depends upon the care and fidelity of 

the hundreds of scribes, who through the centuries have transmitted the 
original. There is abundant evidence that in general the existing copies 
reproduce in nearly all important passages the thought of the prophets, 
priests, and sages who first wrote them. 

On the other hand, the evidence that a vast number of minor errors has kyi- 
crept into the surviving Hebrew manuscripts is equally conclusive. This ¢¢2°¢ 
is demonstrated by the differences in the Hebrew texts themselves, by the many 
variations found in the early translations made from manuscripts far older taal 
than any which still survive, and by the obviously confused and corrupt &7°* 
character of many passages. ‘The Jews fully recognized that mistakes were 
inevitable, and ruled that all texts in which there were more than three errors 
in a column be destroyed or withdrawn from use. Fortunately these textual 
errors usually affect the literary style and individual words and expressions 
rather than the vital messages of the Old Testament books. 

These errors are due to a great variety of causes, all of which are amply Their 
illustrated in the historical books. Sometimes the text from which the copy °4S¢8 
was made was worn or its letters were not clearly written. Certain letters 
because of similarity of form were easily mistaken for others. The ancients 
were well aware of this danger. In the Mishna (Sabb. 1035) the copyists 
are warned against confusing the Hebrew letter 6 with k, g with ¢, d with r, 
soft with hard h, w with y, z with n, t with p,and m with s. A great number 
of errors are clearly traceable to this simple cause. Since the vowel letters 
were not originally written, a wide difference of reading was possible. Abbre- 
viations were also frequently misunderstood. ‘The consonants, which were 
at first alone written and without being separated, were sometimes wrongly 
divided, the last letter or two of one word being read with the following; or 
when the last letter in one word was the same as that of the following, one 
letter would be omitted. Transpositions of ietters and even clauses were 


89 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


\ot uncommon. Instead of rewriting a roll, a copyist would insert an over- 
sooked clause or verse at the point at which he discovered his omission. 
Words and clauses were also frequently repeated by mistake (dittography), 
and conversely one of two clauses or verses with the same beginning or 
ending was readily overlooked (homoioteluton). 

Scribal © During the early centuries in which the number of copies of each book 

changes 45 limited and before the integrity of the text was jealously guarded, each 
copyist, who was also usually a scribe, was at liberty to change the text. 
These changes are undoubtedly many and can in most cases be readily 
recognized. They consist of explanatory glosses, first placed in the margin 
and then by later copyists introduced into the text, not infrequently in a 
connection different from that originally intended. Still more common 
are the supplemental additions intended to conform the reading to the point 
of view of later scribes. It is often very difficult to distinguish these addi- 
tional notes from those of the earlier editors of the book. In some cases 
the scribes deliberately altered the text in accordance with their peculiar 
religious ideas. ‘The later Jewish aversion to using the sacred name Jahweh 
not only led them to substitute the vowels of the Hebrew word for Lord, but 
also elsewhere to introduce God (Elohim), where the Greek, for example, 
retains the older name. Interpreting literally the statement in Hosea 2" 
that Jehovah would take the names of the Baalim out of their mouth, they 
substituted the vowels of bosheth, the Hebrew word for shame, wherever 
Baal occurred. ‘Thus in II Samuel 2* and elsewhere, [shbaal appears as 
Ishbosheth. 

History ‘The history of the Old Testament books is closely connected with that 

Fe Se of the canon. As soon as a book was included in a canon of scripture its 

text integrity was carefully guarded. ‘The first canon to be formed was prob- 
ably that of the law between 400 and 300 B.c. To this was later added 
the canon of prophetic writings, which included the books of Samuel and 
Kings. By the close of the first Christian century the canon of the Old Tes- 
tament was complete. ‘Thus for four or five centuries at least each historical 
book was dependent simply upon the care and fidelity of copyists who did 
not regard them with the deep veneration that filled the hearts of the later 
scribes. It is clear that during this long period, which in the case of Samuel- 
Kings and Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah included the time of the bitter perse- 
cution and the Maccabean wars, the Hebrew text suffered the greatest alter- 
ations. ‘This conclusion is not a mere matter of conjecture, but is demon- 
strated by a comparison with the early Greek versions, which in many cases 
have undoubtedly retained the original readings. Furthermore, the histori- 
cal books were never protected by the same exalted reputation for sanctity 
as the law. ‘The result is that the existing Hebrew versions of these books 
contain more obvious errors than those of any other Old Testament books 
excepting possibly Ezekiel. 

Basis From the first Christian century the strongest efforts were put forth to 

athe guard the consonantal text from all possible errors. Many elaborate rules 

Hebrew were laid down for the guidance of copyists. The verses and words and 
even letters in each book were counted. The middle word and letter was 


90 


THE RECOVERY OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT 


determined. A careful census of the frequency of occurrence of many words 
and phrases was made. All peculiarities in the writing of the text were 
also recorded. ‘These and other facts point to the conclusion that early in 
the Christian era a certain Hebrew text was adopted as the standard edition. 
Probably from that time on, as later, all variant Hebrew manuscripts were 
destroyed in order to insure one consistent reading. This recension is the 
basis of the present Hebrew Bible. {t is obvious that it cannot represent 
at every point the original autograph text. If it was a critical recension, as 
seems probable, it simply represents the judgment of the rabbis who were 
able to compare the existing variant texts. If not, it is but one—probably 
the best—of the then existing texts. The extravagant claims made concern- 
ing its perfection by later Jewish scholars and at times adopted by the church 
rest on a dogmatic rather than an historical basis. 

At the close of the fourth century a.p. Jerome knew only a consonantal 
text. From the fifth to the eighth century, however, a group of Jewish 
scholars devoted themselves to reproducing by the use of signs to represent 
the vowel sounds and punctuation marks the traditional Hebrew text as it 
was then recited in the synagogues. The tradition regarding the text was at 
that time known as the Masoreth, and they were therefore called the Mas- 
sorites. ‘Their work also included the division of the original consonants 
into words and the addition of a large body of critical notes on the margin 
calling attention to anomalous forms and suggesting traditional readings or 
conjectural emendations. ‘These are often very valuable and aid materially 
in restoring the original. The Massorites were the pioneers in Hebrew 
textual criticism. While they did not always agree among themselves, their 
work, when completed about the end of the ninth century, became the basis 
of all later editions of the Hebrew (cf. the modern standard editions of Baer, 
1892, Ginsburg, 1894). 

This brief outline of the history of the Hebrew text has illustrated the 
inevitable growth of variant versions and the impossibility of checking their 
multiplication even by repeatedly adopting a critical recension and guarding 
it with the most strenuous precautions and jealous care. Since this is so, 
it is fortunate that translations of the Hebrew scripture were made at an 
early date. Their history was similar to that of the Hebrew text. Each 
original translation was soon succeeded by a brood of variant versions, the 
variations of which were increased because they were constantly being re- 
vised by scholars who were familiar with the existing Hebrew manuscripts. 
While these many variant versions make the task of recovering the original 
text superlatively complex, they are of the greatest service, for in some one 
of the many the original has in very many cases been preserved. 

The first essential in the practical use of any version is acquaintance with 
its history and characteristics. Jewish and Christian tradition agree in 


assigning the translation of the law to the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus G 


(284-247 B.c.). If, as is asserted, it was done under the patronage of Deme- 
trius, the librarian of the Alexandrian library, it was during the earlier part 
of the reign, before he fell into royal disfavor. The prologue of Ben Sira, 
written in 132 B.c., speaks of a Greek translation of the law, the prophets, 


91 


hits 
of the 
Masso- 
rites 


Genera) 
value 
of the 
early 
trans- 
lations 


Date of 
the 
original 
ree 
rans- 
lation 


Date 

of the 
transla- 
tion of 
Samuel- 
Kings 


Growth 
of 
variant 
Greek 
texts 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


and the other books of the fathers, which indicates that the books of Samuel 
and Kings were doubtless translated before that time. The Greek version 
of Esther appears to have been extant in 114. B.c. ‘The absences of all refer- 
ences to Ezra (cf. p.31) strongly suggests that Ezra~-Nehemiah and perhapa 
Chronicles were not translated until near the beginning of the Christian era. 
Otherwise for the early history of the historical books we are entirely de- 
pendent upon the internal evidence. 

This favors the conclusion that the books of Samuel and probably Kings 
were translated soon after, and possibly before, the Pentateuch. One of 
the motives which influenced the Jews to translate their scriptures into Greek 
was apologetic, that is, to refute the charges that were brought against them 
by their persecutors especially in Alexandria. ‘These charges aimed to 
throw discredit upon their past history. ‘The books of Samuel and Kings 
contained the best answer to this charge and also proclaimed the past glories 
of their race. From the period which begins with the Babylonian exile, 
many Jews were found in Kgypt, and one of the most powerful influences 
that maintained their racial integrity and kept alive their faith in Jehovah 
was the memory of their past triumphs. A strong incentive to translate 
these books would therefore not be lacking even before the days of Ptolemy 
Philadelphus. Since they were not then regarded as sacred as the Law, no 
barrier would deter a patriotic Jew from translating them. Whatever be the 
historical facts, there is good evidence in the character and relative com- 
pleteness of the version, that the books of Samuel and probably Kings were 
translated at a comparatively early date, and that they were based on a 
Hebrew text superior at a great many points to that found in the Hebrew 
manuscripts at present available. 

The Greek versions of Chronicles contribute comparatively little addi- 
tional data. ‘That of Esther adds practically nothing to the well-preserved 
Hebrew text. Of Ezra there are two distinct Greek translations, one in 
I Esdras and the other in chapters 1-10 of Esdras B in the Greek. A careful 
comparison of these with the Hebrew version leaves little doubt but that 
the one found in I Esdras, aside from the Story of the Three Young Men, 
which was added later, is the older and is also based upon a text in some 
respects better and more complete than the one in the present Hebrew of 
Ezra 1-10. ‘These conclusions of course do not mean that the Greek ren- 
derings of Samuel and I Esdras are to be followed in a majority of cases in 
preference to the Hebrew. A translation is necessarily defective, and the 
translators of these books often failed fully to understand the original, and 
were also subject to their own idiosyncrasies. On the whole, however, these 
books have been translated with unusual fidelity and skill. 

If we had the original Greek translations of Samuel-Kings and Ezra- 
Nehemiah, they would be practically equal to a Hebrew manuscript at least 
one thousand years older than any we now possess. But as in the case of the 
Hebrew, the surviving Greek manuscripts are copies of copies. The result 
was that many variant texts soon sprang into existence. Often the Jewish 
copyists were not well acquainted with the Greek. The mistakes of the 
original translators also led them astray. The text was not guarded with 


92 


THE RECOVERY OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT 


the same religious zeal as the original Hebrew. The copyists, as well as the 
translators, were also usually Jews of the dispersion and therefore constantly 
tempted to make slight alterations where the original did not accord with 
their own broader views. 

Meantime other independent Greek translations had been made which Version 
were based upon the then current Hebrew text. ‘These have an independent y he 
value of their own, and also because they exercised a strong influence upon 
the older Greek translations. Of these, that of Aquila of Pontus, a proselyte 
to Judaism and a disciple of the great Rabbi Akiba, was the oldest. It was 
made about 140 a.p. Since it was a slavishly literal rendering of the Hebrew, 
it is exceedingly useful in restoring that original, although it is too literal to 
be valuable as a Greek translation. ‘Two fragments of the book of Kings 
(I Kgs. 207"? and II Kgs. 23'?-?") were discovered in 1897 in the Cairo syna- 
gogue (published by F. C. Burkitt). Otherwise the translation is known 
only through the writings of the Church Fathers. 

The translation made about 200 a.p. by the Ebionite Christian Symmachus Ver- 

was the antithesis of that of Aquila, for its aim was to express the thought $?"° 
of the original in clear, idiomatic Greek. It is important to note that both Sym. 
appear to have had before them a Hebrew text almost identical with that and 
edited by the Massorites. Some time before the close of the second Christian 32°; 
century a certain Theodotion, either an Ebionite or a Jewish proselyte, made 
a thorough revision of the older Greek translation by the aid of the Hebrew. 
His work is valuable because he appears to have employed an excellent 
Greek version and to have followed it closely, supplementing it by many 
transliterations of Hebrew words. It is also probable that in the present 
accepted Greek Old Testament his work is the basis of the text of Daniel 
and Esdras B. 

In time the variations in the Greek versions became so many and distress- Ori- 
ing that the famous Christian scholar Origen, while living at Czesarea, in 223. 
240 a.p. arranged these four Greek versions, together with the current Pla 
Hebrew and a Greek transliteration of it, in six parallel columns. This 
monumental work, consisting of about fifty large volumes, was known as 
the Hexapla. Unfortunately its size rendered it impracticable to copy it. 
Portions are reproduced in a surviving Syriac translation of the Greek col- 
umn (the Syro-Hexaplar) and in the writings of the Church Fathers, and 
the extant fragments have been published (e.g., Field, Origen’s Hexapla, 
Oxford, 1875). Origen not only prepared the way for a comparative study 
of these early texts but also revised the older Greek by the use of the Hebrew 
and the later Greek translations, especially that of Theodotion. Fortunately, 
he distinguished his later additions by asterisks. While the principles that 
he followed cannot be accepted to-day, Origen contributed much to the 
methods as well as to the equipment of the modern textual critic. His re- 
cension appears to have been widely used in Palestine. Its effect, however, 
was to introduce additional variations into the original Greek text. 

A little later two other recensions appeared. One was prepared by Hesy- Other 
chius, and according to Jerome was current in Alexandria and Egypt. The "ce! 
other was the work of Lucian, who founded a school at Antioch, and in 


93 


The 
Vatican 
manu- 
scripts 


Other 
impor- 
tant 
manu- 
scripts 


Other 
trans- 
lations: 
Old 


Latin 


Latin 
Vulgate 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


$11 a.p. died as a martyr. It was accepted in Antioch and Constantinople. 
It is valuable because it is evidently based on several variant versions, one 
of which was probably distinct from those found in Origen’s Hexapla, and 
upon an older Hebrew text differing from and often superior to the present 
Massoretic text. Lucian evidently aimed judiciously to eliminate contradic- 
tions between the different readings, and to secure a lucid, smooth, complete 
translation. 

Fortunately, the existing Greek manuscripts are much older than the 
Hebrew. The four principal ones come from the fourth and fifth centuries. 
The chief is the Codex Vaticanus (B, referred to in the notes as Gk.). It 
represents only a recension, but the one which is supported by the greatest 
number of the best manuscripts and is therefore generally recognized as 
on the whole the closest representative of the original Greek translation of 
the Old Testament. The admirable new edition of this text, prepared by 
Professor Swete (Cambridge, 1900), inaugurates a new epoch in the history 
of Old Testament translations. 

Another important recension is represented by the Codex Alexandrinus 
(A, in the notes, Gk. A). Its readings are supported by another group of 
manuscripts. It appears to have been revised at many points so as to cor- 
respond to the accepted Hebrew. Much more important is Lucian’s re- 
cension because it is based in part upon a Hebrew text older than any we 
now have. For the legal and historical books this has been tentatively re- 
stored by Lagarde on the basis of marginal readings of the Syro-Hexaplar 
and a group of cursive Greek manuscripts (19, 82, 93, 108, 118). 

As Christianity spread through the ancient world, it carried the old as 
well as the New Testament scriptures, and to meet the needs of foreign 
peoples translations were made into many different languages. Most of 
these were prepared on the basis of the Greek versions, since the early Chris- 
tian scholars were usually not familiar with the Hebrew language. Of these 
the most ancient is probably the Old Latin version which was made in the 


second Christian century. It was evidently based on a Greek version older 


than that used by Origen and was current among the Christians of Northern 
Africa. Only fragments survive. ‘These and the quotations from Cyprian 
and other Latin writers indicate that it contained many errors. 

Jerome’s translation of the Old Testament marks a new epoch in the his- 
tory of the versions, for not only was it made by the leading scholar of his 
age, but it was based on the then accepted Hebrew text, supplemented in 
difficult and doubtful passages by the readings of the different Greek versions, 
especially that of Symmachus. His work on the Old Testament was begun 
about 390 and completed in 404 a.p. Confronted by a version whose au- 
thority rested simply upon its merits and the reputation of the scholar who 
made it, the Latin Church rejected and opposed it for two centuries, clinging 
to the defective and corrupt Old Latin. But as is well known, by the seventh 
century it was generally accepted by the Western Church, became the basis 
of its later noble missionary activity, and in the end was raised to a position 
of despotic authority. The best manuscript of Jerome’s translation (Codex 
Amiatinus) comes from the seventh century. The chief value of Jerome’s 


94 


THE RECOVERY OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT 


translation to textual criticism is that it aids in establishing the fourth cen- 
tury readings of the Massoretic text. Its admirabie renderings are also 
very suggestive. 

The oldest Syriac translation (known as the Peshitta, the Simple, or Syriac 
popular version) was probably prepared by Jews at Edessa in the second Je", 
or third Christian centuries. It was made from the Hebrew, which corre- 
sponds closely to the accepted Massoretic text, although at many points 
its readings originally or later have been modified by the influence of the 
Greek versions. In the sixth and seventh centuries Christian scholars made 
translations into the Syriac directly from the Greek. The chief critical use 
of the Syriac version is in restoring the Hebrew, but its usefulness is limited 
because the published texts do not always represent the oldest manuscripts. 

Translations were also made between the third and sixth centuries into The 
Ethiopic, Coptic, Armenian, and Gothic, but only in the case of a few Old f 
Testament books do they possess a critical value. The Targums, or Aramaic 
paraphrases of the Old Testament, which were used in the synagogues, 
represent the Jewish exegesis current in the early Christian centuries. Some- 
times they assume or give literal translations of a Hebrew text slightly better 
than the accepted Massoretic edition. 

Thus in recovering the original texts of the Old Testament books we are Re- 
practically dependent upon two great groups of witnesses. The first group CPyPY 
goes back to the original of the accepted Massoretic text of the second cen- basis of 
tury A.D. The chief witnesses are the ninth century Hebrew manuscripts, Mach 
supplemented by the notes of the Massorites, the early Syriac version, Jerome’s Tete 
Vulgate, and the Targums, together with the independent translations of 
Aquila, Symmachus, and ‘Theodotion, and the Hebrew column in Origen’s 
Hexapla. In general the testimony of the Hebrew manuscripts is strongest, 
but when these have suffered corruption, some one of the many translations 
may preserve the original and indicate the nature of the error. Frequently 
that which points to a sound text, deviating from the present Massoretic, is 
original, for the later copyists were always inclined to bring all versions into 
agreement with the Hebrew, and preserved a variant only when it rested on 
good authority. 

The second group goes back to the original Greek translation, probably Re- 
made in the case of Samuel and Kings before 200 B.c., and in the case of the fine 
other historical books a little later. The chief guide in recovering this is pede ale 
the Codex Vaticanus, the reading of which must be tested and corrected by of the 
the aid of the Alexandrian and Lucian texts, which may be regarded as Ginis. 
separate recensions, and by the fragments of the Old Latin and Origen’s 02” | 
Hexapla. Due allowance must be made for the influence of the later transla- 
Hebrew version upon the Alexandrian, and for the tendency in the Lucian en 
version to produce a smooth, complete text. The readings of the cursive 
manuscripts must also be considered. 

In the great majority of cases the Massoretic Hebrew text may be followed Use 
unhesitatingly. Where there is practical agreement between the early Greek @),/0¢ 
texts and they differ from the accepted Hebrew, their testimony is exceedingly ver- 


strong. Even when some agree with the Hebrew, the agreement may be coe 
95 


ISRAEL’S HISTORICAL RECORDS 


due to a later harmonizer, and the variant Greek text may contain the original 
reading. In general the briefer text represents the earlier, for the tendency 
of later scribes was to expand. ‘The Greek variant must also be retranslated 
into Hebrew and tested in the light of the context. Where the Massoretic 
text has obviously suffered corruption from any of the usual causes, or when 
it is not supported by its group of witnesses and the Greek on the other hand 
has a well-authenticated, consistent reading, the latter may be accepted as 
representing the pre-Christian and probably the original text. If it is con- 
firmed by the corrected Massoretic reading, the evidence is conclusive. In 
some cases the data are not so decisive. ‘Then the reading adopted must be 
the result of a careful judgment, based upon a consideration of all the pos- 
sibilities of error and a weighing of the testimony of each of the important 
versions and the evidence of the parallels and context. ‘The tendencies of 
each individual translation must also be noted. When all has been done, 
many passages remain in which absolute certainty is impossible. ‘The time, 
however, has passed when any one text or version can be blindly followed 
and all others disregarded. ‘The great foundations of faith, as established 
in the Bible, will not be moved, but patient, exact scholarship, careful judg- 
ment, better editing and deeper study of the existing texts, and the discovery 
of new manuscripts will give each succeeding generation a translation which 
will represent more and more exactly the original books written by Israel’s 
inspired teachers more than two thousand years ago. With the aid of the 
printing press and photography critical scholars are rapidly putting into 
imperishable form the best that the past has given us. ‘The future holds 
out the assured possibility of valuable discoveries. ‘Thus, instead of leaving 
farther behind, each decade brings much nearer to the present the long-lost 
autograph copies. 


96 


THE HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC SERMONS, 
EPISTLES AND APOCALYPSES 


97 


wil ORAL a |) 
ee 
met 
Ay 





I 
THE EVOLUTION OF THE PROPHET 


TuE true prophet rises above his age and race like a towering mountain 
peak piercing heaven itself and enveloped in the eternal mystery of divine rev- 
elation. He rests, however, squarely on earth, for common human experi- 
ences and needs are the basis of his work and teaching. In the light of com- 
parative history and religion it is now possible to study his forerunners and to 
trace the different stages in his gradual evolution. The belief in the exist- 
ence of supernatural beings who determine the destinies of man, and the 
desire to ascertain their will, were two of the earliest and most powerful 
motives in human history. According to the belief of primitive man, failure 
to act in accord with the divine will meant inevitable disaster. In the 
absence of modern scientific knowledge, every step of his life was beset by 
the haunting fear that some unexpected judgment might suddenly be meted 
out by an offended Deity. Ignorance was therefore fatal. On the other 
hand, to know and to do the will of the gods was the only sure way to success 
and happiness. With true intuition early man also firmly believed that the 
supreme power or powers in the universe were ready and able to reveal them- 
selves to him. Hence the ancient world was ever seeking with passionate 
zeal for means and for men through whom the divine will could be definitely 
determined. ‘This strong and universal craving is the psychological basis of 
irue prophecy, as well as of all the kindred institutions that preceded it. 

In the earlier days, when man worshipped many spirits of earth and air 
and water, or later, when he conceived of the gods as superhuman beings, he 
believed in various external methods of revelation. Many natural phe- 
nomena and especially the variable and more remarkable forms were in- 
terpreted as the inarticulate voice of the spirits or gods. ‘Thus the changing 
phases of the stars and clouds and the flight of birds were all noted with 
closest attention because they seemed to be messages from that realm above 
where popular belief fixed the abode of the immortals. Where totemistic 
cults survived, the actions of certain animals were supposed to have a divine 
import. ‘The appearance of the entrails, and especially of the livers of beasts 
presented in sacrifice to the gods, was almost universally regarded as an 
index of the divine will. The belief that certain sacred trees at times gave 
audible expression to messages from the Deity was held even by the early 
Hebrews, as is illustrated by the story of the burning bush in Exodus and the 


99 


The 

pe ycho- 
ogical 

basis of 

proph- 

ecy 


Exter- 
nal 
means 
of as- 
certain- 
ing the 
divine 
will 


The 
earliest 
fore- 
runners 
of the 
proph- 
ets 


The 
pro- 
phetic 
ele- 
mentin 
ancient 
Baby- 
lonia 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


references to the famous diviner’s oak near Shechem. Often a direct ap- 
peal was made to the Deity by means of the sacred arrows, by lot, or through 
some other form of ordeal. The diviner’s cup also figures frequently, as in 
the Joseph stories. Ancestor-worship and the mystery of sleep and death 
gave rise to the belief that the spirits of the dead sometimes returned to dis- 
close the secrets of the gods, as is well illustrated in the story of Saul’s visit 
to the medium of Endor ( I Sam. 28). 

Nearly all these earlier and cruder popular methods of ascertaining the 
will of the beings who ruled the destinies of man required skilled inter- 
preters to make clear the meaning of the obscure signs. Hence there arose 
a great host of augurs, soothsayers, astrologers, wizards, diviners, and nec- 
romancers; some knaves and some doubtless faithful to their light. They 
and the priests, who usually interpreted the omens and took charge of the 
sacred lot and oracles, were the earliest forerunners of the prophets. ‘They 
were thus regarded by the author of Deuteronomy 18, who states that Moses 
and his prophetic successors were commissioned to take the place of these 
representatives of the older cults. 

As men’s conceptions of the gods became more exalted and spiritual, belief 
in direct revelation through the human mind began to prevail. ‘The mystery 
of dreams profoundly impressed even the savage. ‘These strange mental 
pictures were almost universally regarded as messages of the spirits or gods 
to man. ‘The interpreter of dreams was therefore looked upon as a spokes- 
man of the Deity. Especially among the early Semites, as among the modern 
Arabs, all abnormal psychic states were regarded as evidence of divine pos- 
session. As with the whirling and howling dervishes to-day, artificial 
means were often used to induce a half-insane condition that the Deity might 
speak through the mind thus freed from the control of the individual will. 
Men or women who were subject to these attacks of ecstasy have always 
been venerated in the East. Similar phenomena are still common in the 
revival services of certain Christian sects, and especially among the negroes 
of America. In ancient Greece the Pythian priestess, under the influence of 
poisonous gases that exhaled from the earth, was thrown into an ecstatic 
state. Her frenzied, incoherent utterances were interpreted by the prophetes 
(xpopyrns), the one who spoke in behalf of the god. This title, transferred 
into English, has become the common and appropriate designation of the 
noblest interpreters and heralds of God’s will to men. 

The religious history of the different nations of antiquity clearly demon- 
strates that the great prophets did not arise except amidst certain favorable 
conditions. ‘The ancient Babylonians, with their intense political, social, 
and commercial life, had little time for contemplation and visions. Their 
religion also became, at a comparatively early period, formal and cere- 
monial. Law, not the spirit, ruled. ‘The result was that they apparently had 
no great prophets. Hammurabi and his ancient code represent in many 
ways the high-water mark of Babylonian religion. Dreams were regarded as 
significant; but otherwise the crude, primitive, external methods of de- 
termining the will of the gods through their diviners, augurs, and astrologers, 
the priestly inspectors of the sacrificial offerings, and the interpreters of the 


100 


THE EVOLUTION OF THE PROPHET 


flights of birds, of the movements of the stars, and of other signs, continued 
to hold undisputed sway. 

Nearly the same conditions obtained among the Egyptians. The priests 
interpreted the oracles. Only the Pharaoh himself was supposed to consult 
the gods. Popular interest was also fixed on the life beyond death rather 
than in the present and immediate future. There are, however, several 
striking exceptions to this prevailing low level of mechanical formalism. 
From the period of the remarkable twelfth dynasty (2000-1788 B.c.) comes a 
prediction delivered in the presence of a king by a prophet named Ipuwer. 
It first tells of the coming overthrow of existing political and social condi- 
tions by foreign foes, and then proclaims the advent of a benign king who 
would deliver his land and people. Of him men would say, He ts the shepherd 
of all the people; there is no evil in his heart. If his flocks go astray he will 
spend the day to search for them. The thought of men shall be aflame; would 
that he might achieve their rescue! . . . Verily he shall smite evil when he 
raises his arm against t.* Similar Sibylline prophecies appeared at times in 
Egypt’s later history, but there is no evidence that they made any deep im- 
pression upon that ancient life and religion. More effective, although 
ephemeral, was the truly prophetic reformation instituted by Amenhotep IV. 
The fact that its influence passed away so quickly and completely only proves 
that the dominant forces in Egypt’s religion were ceremonial rather than 
ethical and spiritual. 

The sources of information regarding the religion of the ancient Canaanites 
are still exceedingly meagre. The references in the Old Testament to the 
religious practices of the peoples which the Hebrews found in the land indi- 
cate that the various external methods of ascertaining the will of the gods 
were in vogue in Palestine. ‘The moral degeneracy, the wealth and luxury, 
and the prominence of sacrifice and ritual prevented the development of a 
spiritual religion among the Canaanites and Phcenicians. Hence there is no 
evidence or probability that any great prophets ever arose among them. The 
narrative of a certain Wenamon, sent to the court of Zakar-Baal, king of 
Byblos about 1100 3.c., in the years following the decline of Egyptian su- 
premacy in Palestine, contains the earliest reference to Syrian prophecy. As 
the Egyptian emissary was being contemptuously sent away, one of the 
noble youths in attendance upon the king was seized with a divine frenzy, 
and in prophetic ecstasy demanded that Wenamon be summoned, honorably 
treated, and dismissed.t To this same class, doubtless, belonged the so- 
called prophets of Baal, who, in the famous contest between Jehovah and Baal 
on Mount Carmel, are represented as dancing about the altar, cutting them- 
selves with swords and lances until they had worked themselves up into a 
delirium of frenzy (I Kgs. 18 **). Their character and role appears to be 
very similar to that of the modern dervish. 

The prophetic motif may also be traced among the early Aryan races. 
Zoroaster, the prophet of Iran, was the founder of a distinctly ethical and 
spiritual religion. ‘The most complete, although not the closest parallels to 

* Breasted, History of Egypt, 204-5. 
{ Breasted, History of Egypt, 513. 
101 


In 
Egypt 


Among 
the Ca- 
naan- 
ites and 
Phoe- 
nicians 


Greece 


Kahins 
among 
the 
earl 
Arabs 


Form 
of their 
mes- 
sages 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


prophecy in early Israel are found in ancient Greece. External methods of 
divination, such as speaking trees and omens, survived; but, side by side 
with these, the more spiritual forms of revelation were highly developed. 
Reference has already been made to the oracles in which the frenzied priestess 
and the prophetes figured. ‘The Bacchantes corresponded to the dervishes 
of oriental religions. Dreams were regarded as messages of the gods. Both 
prophets and prophetesses were familiar characters in early Greek life. 
Corresponding to the great prophets of Israel’s history were the immortal 
Greek poets and philosophers, whose writings dealt, as did those of the He- 
brew statesmen and theologians, not only with vital questions of the day, but 
with the eternal problems of religion and ethics. The literary form and 
theology of the two groups of teachers were very different, but their aim, 
spirit, and fundamental messages were in the ultimate analysis very similar. 

The direct forerunners of the Hebrew prophets are to be found, however, 
not among the ancient Babylonians or Canaanites, but, as might be antici- 
pated, among the Arabian ancestors and neighbors of the Israelites. The 
peculiar life of the desert favored the development of the prophet. Its mo- 
notony and the long marches and watching by night fostered contemplation. 
The constant sense of mystery and danger tended to develop a strong belief 
in supernatural powers and an eager longing for assurances of their favor 
and protection. ‘The susceptibility of the Arab to mental excitement and the 
prevailing belief that all abnormal psychic states were due to the influence of 
spirits or gods created an atmosphere favorable to prophecy. ‘The keen re- 
ligious intuitions, the fanatical zeal, and the highly developed poetic in- 
stincts of the dwellers in or near the wilderness furnished the soil from which 
sprang prophets like Moses, Balaam, Elijah, Amos, and Mohammed. 

The kahin, like the corresponding Hebrew priests (kohén), was originally 
the minister of the sanctuary and guardian of the oracle. Often there was 
found, however, among the Arabs a kahin who was believed to be pos- 
sessed of a demon or spirit. When seeing visions he usually covered his 
head, and hence is often styled the man with the veil. These ancient kahins 
were consulted on a great variety of subjects in which there was doubt in the 
public mind. Sometimes it was to determine the outcome of a battle; often 
they were called upon to decide the innocence or guilt of one charged with a 
crime, such as adultery; and sometimes they even encouraged conspiritors 
to attack a ruler.* For their services they usually received a gift from those 
who consulted them. 

Their oracular utterances were given in poetic form, and consisted of from 
four to six short, rhyming sentences bound together into a paragraph or 
period. Their expressions were often obscure and admitted of a double in- 
terpretation. Like the Hebrew prophets, they spoke not in their own name, 
but directly in the first person as the herald of the god. ‘The names of many 
famous kahins, both male and female, who lived in the period preceding 
the advent of Mohammed, have been preserved and their influence upon their 
age and race was often far-reaching. Although Mohammed did not grant 





* Cf. Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidenthums, 136. 
102 


THE EVOLUTION OF THE PROPHET 


that he was a mere kahin, he was, in fact, the noblest representative of that 
order. A few others appeared later, but the work of the great prophet of 
Islam, and the Koran, which recorded the laws and commands that he pro- 
mulgated, rendered the ancient kahin unnecessary. As in later Judaism, the 
written law and the legal scribe in time took the place of the prophetic oracle 
and the divine herald. 

The most significant figures, therefore, in that ancient Semitic life that lies 
back of the beginnings of Hebrew history were the kahins or seers, who were 
believed to possess divine knowledge, revealed to them not through objective, 
mechanical means or another’s frenzied utterances, but directly from the 
Deity. They were often men of wide experience, keen insight, and probably 
genuine spiritual intuitions. In the long line of interpreters of divine truth 
they rank next to the great prophets. ‘The difference between the self- 
deceived or deceiving diviners, augurs, astrologers, and necromancers of the 
primitive cults and the true prophets of Israel is as great as that between 
darkness and light; and yet the same innate, universal human needs, the same 
beliefs, and the same God, eager to reveal his truth to men, called forth each. 
They represent, together with the kahins or seers, the successive rounds in 
the ladder which, as in Jacob’s dream, reached from earth to heaven. 


; 103 


The 
imme- 
diate 
prede- 
cessors 
of the 
proph- 
ets 


Of the 
hézéh 
or seer 


ii 
THE PROPHETS IN ISRAEL’S EARLY HISTORY 


In connection with the account of Saul’s first meeting with Samuel is found 
the statement: He who is now called a prophet was previously called a ro’eh 
(commonly translated a seer). ‘This passage is usually interpreted as evi- 
dence that the functions of the ancient prophet were practically identical with 
those of the ro’eh, and that the difference was simply one of popular termi- 
nology. It is significant, however, that in the early sections of the books of 
Samuel three distinct terms are used to describe Israel’s early religious guides. 
Samuel is designated as the r0’éh, Gad is the royal hézéh, and Nathan is the 
nabi or prophet. The care with which these terms are used suggests that 
originally there was a clear distinction between them. 

A recent writer has called attention to the fact that Samuel’s distinctive 
title, rd’éh, is possibly equivalent to the Babylonian bari, a title of the divin- 
ing priest.* His duty was, originally, to inspect the entrails and especially 
the liver of the sacrificial victim, and, in accordance with a definitely worked- 
out system, to answer, on the basis of what he saw, the questions which were 
put to him. It is significant that the older as well as the later biblical tra- 
ditions connect Samuel closely with the sanctuaries and the sacrifices of 
ancient Israel. According to the oldest tradition in I Samuel 9, the people 
of Ramah were waiting for Samuel to come before they could begin their 
sacrificial meal. It is also evident from the statement of Saul’s servant (I Sam. 
9°) that, like the divining priests of Babylonia, Samuel enjoyed the reputation 
of being able to settle questions not only of public but also of private interest, 
and that for this service he usually received some gift. Illustrations of Sam- 
uel’s divining power are also found in the first part of the tenth chapter of 
I Samuel. The term 70’@h comes from the Hebrew word meaning to see, 
or to look, and if it originally described the priestly diviner, who answered 
questions put to him by looking upon the sacrificial victims or by other ob- 
jective signs, which the ancients regarded as revelations from the Deity, the 
reason is clear why it early fell into disuse among the Hebrews. 

The Hebrew word hézeh comes from the verb meaning to gaze. In the 
Arabic it is used only of seeing a vision. The ancient kahin was also fre- 
quently designated by a title derived from the same root as the Hebrew word 
hozeh. In light of these facts and of its usage elsewhere in the Old Testament, 
it would seem clear that the word is best translated into English by the word 
seer or gazer. It survived in later Hebrew literature as a practical synonym 
of the word nabi (prophet). Possibly in ancient times the hozeh or seer re- 





* Jastrow, Jour.0f Bib. Lit., XXVIII, 42-56. 
104 


THE PROPHETS IN ISRAEL’S EARLY HISTORY 


ceived his divine message through objective means, as, for example, the flight 
of birds or the movements of the stars, but in later days he is conceived of as 
the man with a vision, the one who receives his message either through a 
dream or trance or his inner consciousness. In the days of David, Gad is de- 
scribed as the king’s ROzeh or seer, while Nathan is called a nabi or prophet. 
It is also significant that both of these men figure in public rather than 
private life, and are the recognized authoritative advisers of the king. 

Unfortunately the derivation of the word nabi or prophet is uncertain. In 
its later Hebrew usage it is practically equivalent to speaker or proclavmer. 
The original word from which it was derived was probably connected either 
with the Hebrew word meaning to bubble jorth, or with the Assyrian word 
nabu, to tear away, lead forcibly, and hence to be carried away by divine 
frenzy. In either case the word recalls the ecstatic, frenzied method in which 
the primitive prophets received and proclaimed their message. 

In its later Hebrew usage, however, this early implication of frenzied utter- 
ance had entirely disappeared; for the great prophets, like Isaiah and Jere- 
miah, speak calmly and logically, although with deep feeling and earnestness. 
In an important passage in Numbers 12°°*, in connection with the description 
of Moses, is found a clear statement of the Hebrew belief regarding the method 
by which the true prophet received his message: 


If there be a prophet among you, 

In a vision do I make myself known to him, 
In a dream do I speak to him. 

Not so with my servant Moses; 

In all my house he is faithful. 

Mouth to mouth do I speak with him, 
Plainly and not in enigmas. 


The priestly author of Exodus 7’ has also clearly illustrated the later Hebrew 
conception of the word prophet, for when Moses declared to Jehovah that he 
was not skilled in speaking, he received the answer: See, I have made thee as a 
god to Pharaoh, and Aaron, thy brother, shall be thy prophet. 'The prophet, 
therefore, was simply the speaker for God to men, the one who proclaimed and 
interpreted the divine will in the light of the needs and conditions of his age. 
The other designations of the prophets, men of God, servants of Jehovah, 
messengers of Jehovah, and watchmen, but confirm the same fundamental 
conception of the functions of the prophets. Having seen clearly, they felt a 
divine compulsion to speak faithfully and truly; they were men both of insight 
and of action. ‘They were not without interest in the future, for in the future 
they hoped to see the full realization of those noble ideals which they con- 
stantly held up before their contemporaries; but they were primarily men of 
their own day, seeing conditions as they were and seeking by every practical 
means to influence their fellow-countrymen to do the will of God. Their pri- 
mary function was to proclaim principles, but the sphere of their activity was 
not limited to the setting forth of spiritual and ethical truths. Everything 
which concerned the life of the nation was recognized by them as of real 
religious import. Hence the great Hebrew prophets of the later days were 


105 


Later 
Hebrew 
concep- 
tion of 


the 
prophet 


Reason 
why 
the 
proph- 
ets 


were so 
promi- 

nent in 
Israel’s 
history 


Char- 
acter 
and 
call of 
Moses 


Nature 
of his 
pro- 
phetic 
work 


Debo- 
rah 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


not only theologians and ethical teachers, but also social reformers, statesmen, 
and men of affairs. By their own personal activity and influence, as well as by 
word of mouth, they sought to make their exalted ideals effective in the life of 
the nation. 

Undoubtedly the most significant fact in Israel’s history was the presence 
and activity of the prophets. The record of their work and influence makes 
that history unique and the Old Testament, which records it, a book of au- 
thority worthy of a place beside the New. Hence the question of why the 
prophet played such an important role in Israel’s national life is of profound 
interest to the student of religion. The fundamental reason is found in Israel’s 
remarkable experiences as a nation. From the first it was confronted with a 
series of grave political, social, and religious crises which furnished the back- 
ground and inspiration for the work of the great prophets. It is noteworthy 
that a prophet never appeared in Israel’s history unless there was some great 
national, social, or moral need, and conversely, there was never a great crisis 
which did not call forth a prophet or prophetess. 

Israel’s national life opened with a supreme crisis in the land of Egypt, and 
the father of the nation was Moses, its first great prophet. Later Jewish tra- 
dition transformed Moses into a mere lawgiver and thereby obscured the real 
nature of his work. Early prophets, however, like Hosea, recognized and de- 
clared that by a prophet Jehovah led his nation Israel from the land of Egypt. 
Back of the many traditions that have gathered about him, there was evidently 
a man who, with true prophetic insight, fully appreciated the needs of his 
people in Egypt, and the necessity for united action, for leadership, and, above 
all, for the protecting guidance of a strong Deity. In Moses’ desert experi- 
ence there came to him, through his Midianite kinsman, and even more di- 
rectly, as the spirit of God touches that of man, a vision of Jehovah as a God 
of justice and power able and willing to deliver the oppressed. ‘This vision 
of Jehovah’s character and the needs of his people constituted Moses’ call. 
The patriot and seer became the man of action and therefore a prophet. 

The familiar events of early Hebrew history are the proofs of Moses’ work 
as a prophet. In the minds of his fellow-Hebrews their signal deliverance 
from Egypt confirmed the truth of his message. Amidst the hardships and 
dangers of the wilderness their prophet-leader was also able to impress upon 
the minds of his people their obligations to the God who had delivered them, 
and through this sense of obligation to develop that national consciousness 
which kept the race intact amidst the disintegrating influences that came to it 
during the succeeding centuries. As counsellor and judge he taught his fol- 
lowers the principles which became the foundations of Israel’s later faith and 
institutions. ‘There is, necessarily, much uncertainty about the real work of 
Moses; but it is clear that he was both a seer and a man of action, who towered 
high above his contemporaries and who stamped his own inspired convictions 
upon the consciousness of his race. 

The second great crisis in Israel’s history came during the period of the 
settlement, when the Canaanites had formed a coalition under Sisera and 
were making a united effort to subjugate the Hebrews. ‘The faith as well as 
the independence of Israel was at stake. At this crucial moment the 


106 


THE PROPHETS IN ISRAEL’S EARLY HISTORY 


prophtess Deborah rose to deliver the people. She not only appreciated the 
needs of the situation, but was able to appeal to that common faith and 
obligation to Jehovah which was the only force binding together the scat- 
tered Hebrew clans at this pioneer period in their history. In her grasp of 
the situation and in her ability to act and to inspire action, Deborah showed 
herself a true successor of Moses and a forerunner of the great statesmen 
prophets like Isaiah. 

The third great crisis in Israel’s history arose when the powerful Philistines 
in the southwest of Palestine had succeeded in defeating the armies of Israel 
and in establishing their rule over the Hebrews. Again the faith and very 
life of the nation were in danger. ‘The situation called for leadership and 
organization. Already the blended patriotism and popular devotion to Je- 
hovah had begun to find vehement though crude expression in the prophetic 
guilds. ‘Their members, who were known as the sons of the prophets, now for 
the first time emerge into prominence in Israel’s history. ‘These groups of 
religious enthusiasts gathered about the ancient sanctuaries. ‘Their zeal was 
expressed in music, in song, and frenzy. ‘Their external kinship with the simi- 
lar prophetic guilds among the Phoenicians was probably close; but in the 
light of later references it would appear that at this crisis they represented a 
definite protest against existing conditions, and they were probably active 
in their opposition to all that threatened the honor of Jehovah through the 
subjugation of his people. 

Probably in partial sympathy with them but superior to them stands 
Samuel, the so-called 76’e¢h of Ramah. In the light of the oldest sources it 
appears that his reputation was but local, depending chiefly upon his ability to 
answer questions of personal interest which were referred to him. ‘The great 
crisis, however, transformed the 70’éh into a nabt. With true prophetic 
insight, he appreciated Israel’s need of a leader, and himself inspired the 
young Benjamite Saul with a commanding ambition to deliver his people and 
to become their king. ‘Tradition, therefore, is right in recognizing in Samuel 
the great significant figure of this period and the real father of the Hebrew 
kingdom. 

The references to Gad and Nathan in the courts of David and Solomon 
reveal the presence of other prophetic characters at this stirring period in 
Israel’s national development. ‘They are, however, statesmen, royal coun- 
sellors, and official seers, rather than great solitary figures, like Moses, Samuel, 
and Amos, who stood above rulers and people, acknowledging allegiance to 
but one Ruler, and freely and fearlessly proclaiming at some great crisis the 
mandates of that Divine King. 

It is also to be noted that at the next great crisis, the division of the Hebrew 
empire, which destroyed its political strength but saved the rights of the 
people from Solomon’s despotic policy, the prophets encouraged and upheld 
the action of the northern tribes. 

The same devotion to Jehovah and to the rights of the individual are re- 
vealed in the popular stories which gather about the name of Elijah. Ahab, 
in his zeal to build up the material glory of the northern kingdom, had made 
an alliance with the commercial Phcenicians, and that alliance involved tolera- 

107 


The 
Philis. 
tine 
crisis 


Samu- 
el’s 
proph- 
etic. 
service 


Char- 
acter 
of the 
early 
proph- 
ets 


The 
divi- 
sion of 
the em- 
pire 


The 
crisis 

in the 
days of 
Elijah 


Elijah’s 


work 


Achieve- 
ments 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


tion of the worship of the god of Tyre within the territory of Israel. It also 
brought in the person of Jezebel, the daughter of the Tyrian king Ethbaal (a 
former priest of Baal), a strong dominating spirit devoted to the extension of 
the worship of her national god. The adoption of Canaanitish institutions 
and religious ideas, together with the civilization of the land, had made easy 
the popular identification of Jehovah with the Baal of the land of Israel. ‘The 
allurements of the debased Canaanitish cults were almost irresistible. ‘The 
policy of Ahab, therefore, and the popular tendency of the day threatened to 
undermine that simple faith in Jehovah which the people had brought with 
them from the desert. 

It was Elijah, the man from the desert, who alone fully appreciated this 
danger and fearlessly appealed to the conscience of the king and people. Stal- 
wart, clad in the rough mantle of the Arab, he was a striking figure in any age. 
Impetuous, uncompromising, and courageous in the presence of open danger, 
he was a worthy representative of the God of the early Hebrews. In his il- 
luminating analysis of the consequences of the Tyrian alliance and in his 
ringing call to the nation to choose between Jehovah and Baal, Elijah made 
an impression upon the minds of thé Israelites which they never forgot. He 
also stood as the champion of the rights of the people against Ahab’s despotic 
policy revealed in the incident of Naboth’s vineyard. Elijah himself did not 
live to see the overthrow of the Tyrian Baalism or the fall of the house of Ahab. 
Other men and measures were required to complete the work which he ini- 
tiated; but under the direction of his disciple Elisha and the influence of 
aroused public opinion a great reform swept over Northern Israel during the 
next half-century. 

The bloody reformation of Jehu reflected the fierce zeal of Elijah; but the 
disasters which followed in the wake of that revolution revealed the limita- 
tions of the earlier prophets who conceived of Jehovah simply as Israel’s na- 
tional God. ‘They appealed to the patriotism of their hearers rather than to 
the higher ethical sense. ‘They achieved their ends through diplomacy more 
than by the gradual education of the public conscience. ‘They were instru- 
mental in building a nation, rearing an empire, and making and unmaking 
dynasties, and in leading Israel safely through its early crises. They were 
worthy successors of the early seers; but for the further development of Is- 
rael’s faith a higher type of prophets was needed—prophets who could analyze 
still more deeply the sources of the nation’s strength and weakness, who could 
present a nobler and more ethical conception of Jehovah, and who could guide 
their race through still greater crises to a serene trust in God. 


108 


iit 
THE PROPHETS OF THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 


Tite sixth great crisis in Israel’s history came when the invincible armies of 
Assyria began to move westward against the petty states along the eastern 
shores of the Mediterranean. Its advance was so gradual and halting that 
few statesmen in Palestine realized the magnitude of the peril. ‘The appear- 


ance of this world power in Palestine, however, inaugurated a new epoch in the ; 


history of prophecy. As Assyria drew nearer, conquering in the name of its 
god Ashur nation after nation, the ancient Hebrew belief that Jehovah was 
invincible and that he would never give over his people as a prey to a heathen 
power was forever shattered. Instead there came into the minds of a few 
prophetic souls, who faced the facts fairly and appreciated the significance of 
Israel’s peril, a vision of a God who ruled impartially and without rival over 
all nations. 

On the eve of the Assyrian period (750-630 B.c.), however, a dangerous 
overconfidence filled the minds of the leaders of the two Hebrew kingdoms. 
The Assyrian attacks had weakened the power of their old foes, the Arameans, 
and left both Northern and Southern Israel free during the middle of the 


eighth century B.c., to develop their rich national resources ‘The turn in the x 


tide of battle also brought to them the spoils of victory. Commerce sprang up 
with the neighboring nations. With foreign products came alien customs, 
fashions, and ideals. ‘The Aramean wars and the conflicts between the two 
Hebrew kingdoms had rested most heavily upon the middle class in Israel, so 
that many of them were on the verge of poverty or else had fallen into debt, 
with its inevitable consequence in the Semitic world—slavery. ‘The result 
was that only the rich and those who stood close to the throne were in a posi- 
tion to profit by the favorable turn in the national fortune. The rich grew 
richer, the powerful still more powerful. ‘The masses by contrast became 
poorer and more dependent. ‘The wealthy also sought homes in the cities or 
capital, where they vied with each other in their luxury and display, forgetful 
of their needy dependents who toiled for them on their great estates. ‘Thus 
the two Hebrew kingdoms suddenly lost that great middle class, which had 
hitherto been the source of their strength and that democracy which had been 
the chief glory of the Hebrew commonwealth. The baneful effects of the 
close and prolonged contact with the degenerate Canaanitish civilization and 
cults also became sadly apparent, especially in the northern kingdom. The 
sanctity of the home was destroyed; immorality was prevalent in the high 
places and even under the shadow of the sanctuary. Dishonesty was prac- 
tised in the public mart, and the corrupt leaders of the nation found refuge 
and a false confidence in the shadow of an elaborate ceremonial. 
109 


Influ- 
ence of 
Assyr- 
jan con- 
quests 
upon 
Israel’s 
aith 


Politi- 
cal, so- 
cial and 
relig- 
ious _ 
condi- 
tions in 
orth- 
ern Ig- 
rael 


Amos’s 
shep- 
herd 
train’ 
ng 


His 
outlook 
upon 
life 


How 
his 
mes- 
gage 
came 
to him 


His 
pro- 
phetic 
call 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


The great pioneer prophet of this new era was born in the little town of 
Tekoa, twelve miles southeast of Jerusalem. His home was surrounded by 
the gray, rolling, limestone hills which extend down to the shores of the Dead 
Sea. Here the Judean shepherd Amos guarded the flocks of sheep and goats, 
ever watchful against the attacks of the wild animals which lurked near by, 
eager to spring upon the helpless animals placed in his charge. His life and 
environment made him rugged and strong of limb, a lover of nature, and a keen 
observer of life. His shepherd training gave him a high conception of the 
duty of those placed in a position of responsibility, especially toward the needy 
and dependent in their care. It also made him brave and fearless in repelling 
the attacks of those who prey upon the helpless. 

The scene of Amos’s youthful training lay midway between the settled civ- 
ilization of Canaan and the unchanging life of the desert. His occupation, 
doubtless, took him to the great market-places of central Israel, where, with 
his keen insight, he was able to study the strength and weakness of both the 
northern and the southern kingdoms. Viewed from the point of view of the 
desert, the false confidence, the cruelty, the injustice and the vice which he 
found rampant, especially in the north, were revealed in their true character. 
On the other hand, Amos was in close touch with the faith of the desert and of 
Moses, with that religion which was intolerant of ritual and with that type of 
life which regarded rulers and centralized authority with suspicion. 

Accustomed as he was to watch constantly for the approach of dangerous 
foes, he saw from afar the approach of Assyria and the terrible consequences, 
when once this distant, lurking lion should fall upon the fair northern king- 
dom. Experience had taught him that for every effect there was a corre- 
sponding cause. As he sought for the reason why calamity was about to over- 
take Israel, the significance of its corrupt life was fully revealed to him. The 
impending doom was no accident, but inevitable because of the nation’s 
crimes. One of the dramatic visions with which he illustrated his message 
suggests the way in which the truth dawned upon him: 


Thus the Lord showed me, 

And behold the Lord was standing 

Beside a wall, with a plumb-line in his hand. 

And Jehovah said to me, 

What dost thou see, Amos ? 

And I answered, A plumb-line. 

Then the Lord said, Behold, I am setting a plumb-line 
In the midst of my people Israel. 

I will not again pass by them any more. 

And the high places of Isaac shall be desolate, 

The sanctuaries of Israel shall be laid waste, 

And I will rise up against the house of Jereboam with the sword. 


As he meditated upon the situation its meaning crystallized into a certainty. 
Having once seen the danger, his shepherd training and instincts did not al- 
low him to remain silent. It was thus that the prophetic call came to Amos. 
His own words are illuminating: 

110 


THE PROPHETS OF THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 


Surely the Lord Jehovah doeth nothing, 
Unless he revealeth his purpose to his servant the prophet. 
The lion has roared; who does not hear? 


The Lord Jehovah hath spoken; who can but prophesy ? 


Having received his call, Amos did not hesitate. With shepherd’s staff in 
hand, he proceeded to Bethel, the royal sanctuary of the north. There, 
before the leaders of the nation assembled on a great feast-day, he tactfully but 
unhesitatingly denounced their crimes and proclaimed those exalted principles 
which are the foundation of all true ethics and religion. Behind the calm, 
cold, irresistible logic with which he laid bare the rottenness and corruption of 
the northern kingdom was a heart burning with zeal to save this nation from 
the fate which threatened. In his note of certainty there is also revealed the 
conviction that his eyes had been opened to the truth by none other than God 
himself, and that he was directly commissioned by the Highest to interpret the 
divine will to the men of his day. 

Very different in character and call was Amos’s contemporary, Hosea. He 
was evidently a native of Northern Israel, and a citizen of one of its cities, if not 
of the capital itself. He was of well-known family, and was intimately ac- 
quainted with the policy of the court and with the ambitions and follies of the 
ruling classes. Unlike the rough shepherd who had been educated in the 
school of experience, Hosea was familiar with the growing literature of his 
race. He was of a poetic temperament, a man not of logic but of deep emotion. 
He spoke not as the stern critic but as the passionate lover of his land and 
people. 

In the opening chapters of his prophecy, Hosea throws back the veil and re- 
veals those incidents in his domestic life which were important in his training as 
a prophet. Like Isaiah and Jeremiah, he interprets his early experience in 
the light of his later knowledge. That later knowledge had revealed the true 
character of Gomer, the daughter of Diblaim, who had commanded his youth- 
ful affections. As the years went on his awful suspicion that his wife was not 
faithful to the love which he bestowed so freely is reflected in the names which 
he gave to his children. ‘‘ Unpitied” and “‘ Not-my-people”’ suggested con- 
demnation and rejection because of infidelity, and Hosea’s interpretation of 
these names, as symbols of Jehovah’s rejection of guilty Israel, confirm this 
implication. In these earliest oracles Hosea also shows himself to be a dis- 
ciple of Amos. The note which he strikes is harsh and judicial. 

Only when, following the long-established Semitic custom, he had banished 
his unfaithful wife from his home, did he realize the depth of his love for her. 
In the words of the prophet the divine prompting came to him: 


Still go, love this woman, 

Who loves a paramour and is an adultress, 
As Jehovah loveth the Israelites, 

Although they turn to other gods. 


Then he tells us that he bought her back at the price of a slave and said 
to her: 
111 


The de- 
livery 
of his 
mes- 
sage 


Hosea’s 
charace- 
ter 


domes- 
tic life 


The tri- 
umph 
of love 


Funda- 
mental 
truths 
which 
his ex- 
peri- 
ence 
taught 
him 


His 
work 


as a 
prophet 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


Many days shalt thou abide for me, 
Thou shalt not play the harlot 

And thou shalt not be any man’s wife. 
Yet I, on my part, will be thine 


Thus by loving discipline he sought to lead his erring wife to a full apprecia- 
tion of her guilt and through penitence and deep contrition prepare the way 
for that reconciliation for which he longed. 

As Hosea looked back upon his tragic experience he realized that, as has 
been nobly expressed by Dean Plumptre in his poem Gomer: 


Through all the mystery of my years, 

There runs a purpose which forbids of the wail 
Of passionate despair. I have not lived 

At random, as a soul whom God forsakes; 

But evermore his spirit led me on, 

Prompted each purpose, taught my lips to speak, 
Stirred up within me that deep love, and now 
Reveals the inner secret. 


Out of the depths of his own experiences Hosea caught clear glimpses of those 
eternal principles which are the foundations of his teaching, as well as of all 
practical religion. Because his love was so strong even for his unfaithful wife, 
he appreciated, as had no man before, the agony in the divine heart because of 
the sins of his people. Also he learned the supreme necessity of disciplining 
the sinner, when mere kindness fails to arouse contrition. With enlightened 
vision he realized that, in the presence of defiant wrong-doing, justice and pun- 
ishment are the highest expressions of love. He also learned to appreciate 
God’s readiness and yearning to forgive the truly penitent sinner. ‘Thus in 
divine providence Hosea’s own personal experience and the light which it shed 
upon the character and acts of his beloved nation made him a prophet and 
prepared his mind to grasp those eternal and universal principles which are 
the essence of his prophetic message. 

Unceasingly, sometimes with broken sobs, he appealed not only to the rea- 
son and the conscience, but also to the heart of his countrymen. His words 
are the words of a patriot who was able to look beyond the issues of the mo- 
ment and to see the consequences of the policies which were then so popular. 
For at least half a decade he labored unceasingly by warning, exhortation, and 
promise to save his nation from its evil tendencies and to prepare it to meet the 
Assyrian crisis. ‘To a patriot-prophet like Hosea his ministry was one long 
martyrdom, for fidelity to truth compelled him to proclaim the certainty of 
that national tragedy which the failure of his countrymen to hear made inevi- 
table. His voice was scarcely silenced before, in 734 B.c., the northern terri- 
tory of Israel was overrun by Assyrian armies and made a part of the great 
empire. A little later, in 722 B.c., Samaria and the remaining territory of 
Israel suffered the same fate. That overwhelming catastrophe which Amos 
and Hosea had clearly foreseen then became a reality. 

112 


THE PROPHETS OF THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 


While Hosea was still preaching his earnest sermons to the people of North- 
ern Israel, similar crises and problems came to the southern kingdom. The 
long reign of Uzziah had brought to little Judah extension of territory, pros- 
perity, and foreign commerce. ‘Through the channels of trade heathen cus- 
toms and ideas had penetrated even to Jerusalem itself. Luxury and greed 
had taken the place of the ancient simplicity. As Northern Israel rushed 
headlong to its ruin, the last barrier was removed which protected Judah 
from the Assyrian invader. Men of rare insight and wisdom and faith were 
needed to guide the nation through the dangers which threatened from within 
and without. At this critical moment the death of King Uzziah, in 740 B.c., 
left the direction of affairs in weak hands, so that Judah’s destiny hung in 
the balance. 

It was at this time that a young Hebrew, a citizen of Jerusalem, went up to 
worship at the temple. His later activity and utterances indicate that he was 
a man of rare energy and force, intimately acquainted with the court and 
leaders of the nation. He was also a student of Israel’s past and present his- 
tory, and was inspired by a noble, unselfish purpose. For half a century he 
was active in the public life of Judah, so that on the memorable year when he 
went up to the temple at Jerusalem he was still probably but a youth, full of 
enthusiasm and noble ideals. ‘The wonderful description which he has given 
of his call in the sixth chapter of his prophecy indicates that already he was 
meditating upon the alarming conditions in the nation, and was fully awake to 
the crying need for patriots able to think truly and to speak courageously and 
to act wisely in behalf of the state. 

In language which reminds us strongly of Jesus’ illuminating description 
of the great experience which marked the beginning of his ministry, Isaiah 
tells how he became a prophet. Amidst the suggestive symbolism of the 
temple he suddenly became aware of the presence and true character of him 
whom his countrymen worshipped blindly and from afar. Above the sanct- 
uary, with its half heathen rites, Jehovah seemed to rise majestic, holy, sur- 
rounded by seraphim, the heavenly beings who symbolized absolute purity. 
In the presence of this vision Isaiah’s own impurity and the guilt of his nation 
were revealed in all their hideousness. But to Isaiah, who saw his guilt and 
openly confessed it, there quickly came a sense of divine forgiveness and cleans- 
ing. With this clarified vision of Jehovah’s character and the needs of his na- 
tion also came the call to take up the arduous duties of a prophet, to be the 
spokesman of Jehovah, the champion of righteousness to an unappreciative 
but needy generation. 

It is clear that Isaiah’s vision of Jehovah’s majesty and holiness on the one 
side and the needs of his nation on the other represented primarily a heighten- 
ing of his powers of perception and volition, for there came to his lips the quick 


response, Here, Lord, send me. When Isaiah went forth from the temple, the + 


world was richer because a new prophet had entered upon his life-work. His 

vision of Jehovah, majestic and holy, henceforth inspired his every sermon. 

In the earlier period of his activity he addressed himself to correcting those 

social evils and the heathen influences and the pride and false confidence of 

the people which, in his thought, stood in glaring contrast to Jehovah’s 
113 


The . 
crisis in 
Judah 


The 

young 
atriot 
salah 


His 
temple 
vision 


His life~ 
work 


Micah’s 
train- 
ing and 
preach- 
ing 


Re- 

sults of 
is 

work 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


majesty and holiness. In each of the great political crises which came to 
Judah during Isaiah’s lifetime, he sought to instil in their minds such a strong 
faith in Jehovah’s benign and overruling providence that they would escape 
the errors and feverish acts which threatened the life of the state. 

Isaiah is pre-eminently the statesman-prophet. No one else in Palestine 
knew so well the political situation and could estimate with such unerring 
accuracy the strength of different parties and forces. ‘Through the varying 
political crises he calmly and with that conviction which comes only from the 
grasp of eternal principles and an intimate touch with him who rules the uni- 
verse, offered counsels which, though usually rejected, were shown by later 
events to have been supremely wise and true. He also, by act as well as by 
word, gave to the world a new and nobler definition of patriotism. He re- 
fused to be governed by the dictates of party or public opinion, when these 
were manifestly wrong. He was hampered by no racial prejudices. He 
taught that righteousness alone exalts a nation, and that the ideal city or state 
can be attained only as each individual citizen gives unreservedly of his time, 
thought, and service to the commonweal. 

Fsaiah’s youthful contemporary Micah echoed the social teachings of the 
great statesman-prophet. In spirit and character he was much like Amos. 
His home was among the western foot-hills of Judah, near the old Philistine 
town of Gath, and commanded a view over the western coast plain along which 
ran the great avenues of commerce, and over which the invading armies from 
the north approached Judah and Jerusalem. Although he appears to have 
been only a peasant farmer, his environment and occupation made him, 
like Amos, a watchman on the outlook for distant danger. The occasion 
of his sermons appears to have been the approach of the armies of Sen- 
nacherib, just before the great crisis of 701 B.c. The approaching danger 
impelled him, as a patriot, to sound the note of alarm and to point out clearly 
those evils in the nation which meant weakness and destruction in the hour 
of peril. He was silent regarding the political issues of his day, and devoted 
himself to condemning the social wrongs which he found rampant in Jeru- 
salem. With a boldness and bluntness which is unsurpassed in the history 
of prophecy, he denounced to their face the heartless rulers of Judah. As he 
contrasted his own spirit with that of the false prophets, he also declared : 


I, on the contrary, am full of power, 
And the sense of justice and strength, 
To make known to Jacob his crime, 

And to Israel his sin. 


Micah appears to have been one of the few prophets of Judah who saw the 
immediate fruits of his efforts. From one of the later narratives regarding 
Jeremiah we learn that Hezekiah and his people were deeply impressed by the 
sermons of this blunt peasant-prophet and forthwith instituted a reform. It 
is also indicative of the effectiveness of his work that in the sermons of the 
prophets of the next generation the social evils which Micah so fiercely 
attacked receive less and less attention. 


114 


THE PROPHETS OF THE ASSYRIAN PERIOD 


Nahum, the last prophet to deal with the great problems which Assyria’s 
conquest brought to the small province of Judah, is little more than a voice 
calling across the centuries. Of his life practically nothing is known. 
Master of a powerful literary style, he sings a song of triumph over the ap- 
proaching fall of the cruel world power which had brought pain and woe to 
the many peoples of southwestern Asia. ‘The prophet himself was probably 
a native of Judah, and he reflects the spirit of his day and nation. He raised 
his voice because he saw in Assyria’s fall the convincing evidence of the justice 
of Jehovah’s world-wide rule. 

As one compares the five great prophets of the Assyrian period with those of 
an earlier age, many obvious points of likeness appear. ‘Their outlook, how- 
ever, was far broader and their contact with life much deeper. At last the 
Hebrew prophets had left their mountain heights and thrown off the veil of 
the ancient seer to grapple directly and practically with the vital problems of 
their age. ‘They were not only men of their day, but men who lived among 
men. ‘The seers had become statesmen, social reformers, and ethical teach- 
ers, as well as heralds of a broader and nobler conception of Jehovah. ‘They 
rejected the false national optimism which blinded rulers and people, and in 
the presence of existing evils proclaimed a message which, perforce, was one 
of doom. And yet no one can study them carefully and fail to see that they 
were the most intelligent and most unselfish patriots of their age. ‘They not 
only saw facts as they were, but also, under the influence of the divine spirit 
working through their minds, grasped those eternal principles which must 
forever guide the life of nations, and with supreme courage and effectiveness 
proclaimed these truths to their own and all succeeding ages. 


115 


Na- 
hum’s 
prophs 
ecy 


syrian 
period 


The 
opu- 
ar re- 
action 
against 

the 


pro- 
phetic 
teach- 
ing 


Zeph- 
aniah’s 
ances- 
try and 
influ- 
ence 


His 
person- 
ality 


Jere- 
miah’s 
antece- 
dents 


IV 
THE PROPHETS OF JUDAH’S DECLINE 


Tue teaching of the prophets of the Assyrian period proved too austere and 
exalted for the people of Judah. After the death of Isaiah the nation, under 
the misguidance of the weak king Manasseh, went back to the old heathenism. 
In their radical reaction from the high ideals that had been held up before 
them, the Judahites also adopted to a great extent the religion of their con- 
querors, the Assyrians. ‘The sun and moon and heavenly bodies, worshipped 
from the house-tops, and even under the shadow of Jehovah’s temple, were 
none other than the deities of the ancient Babylonians. ‘The true prophets 
of Jehovah were either silenced or else suffered martyrdom for their loyalty to 
Jehovah, and for fully half a century heathenism held sway in Judah. 

The spirit and message of the great prophets of the Assyrian period could 
not, however, be quenched. ‘Their teachings were treasured, as Isaiah had 
hoped, by a small group of their disciples. History is silent regarding their 
method of work, but its fruits can be clearly discerned. In many ways the 
most astonishing fact in this period of Judah’s history is that Josiah, the son of 
Amon and the grandson of the reactionary Manasseh, developed into an ar- 
dent disciple of the earlier prophets. ‘The explanation is probably to be found 
in the influence and work of the prophet Zephaniah. It is exceedingly sug- 
gestive that his ancestry is traced back through four generations to Hezekiah. 
The most satisfactory explanation of this fact is that Hezekiah is none other 
than the reformer king who reigned in the days of Isaiah and Micah. If this 
be true, Zephaniah was in a position to exercise a strong influence on the 
young king Josiah. 

The sermons of Zephaniah reveal a man of strong, stern personality. He 
has the burning zeal of a reformer and is intolerant of the many forms of 
heathenism which had crept into Judah during the reign of Manasseh. His 
spirit is the same as that which later characterized Josiah’s iconoclastic refor- 
mation. His intense loyalty to Jehovah recalls that of Elijah, and the refor- 
mation which followed under the leadership of Josiah had much in common 
with the earlier reformation of Jehu. 

The noblest spirit of this tragic period, which witnessed the gradual decline 
and ultimate destruction of the Judean state, was the prophet Jeremiah. He 
is, in some ways, the best known and the least understood of all the Hebrew 
prophets. His varied experiences and his inner struggles are fully recorded 
in the remarkable collection of sermons and narratives which bears his name. 
His birthplace was the little town of Anathoth, north of Jerusalem, just over 
the Mount of Olives. Thither Solomon had banished Abiathar, the de- 
scendant of the priestly house ef Eli. Jeremiah appears to have been a scion 

116 


THE PROPHETS OF JUDAH’S DECLINE 


of this ancient family. In his noble ancestry and in his home training he 
later recognized a preparation which constituted an important element in his 
call. In comfortable circumstances, in the quiet of a little country town, and 
yet in closest touch with Judah’s capital, Jeremiah grew up a sensitive, intro- 
spective, and conscientious youth. 

From his later sermons it is evident that he was an ardent, spiritual disciple 
of the earlier prophets, and especially of the great Hosea, in whom he recog- 
nized a kindred spirit. Both were deeply religious and governed largely by 
their emotions. ‘To both fell the tragic task of striving in vain to save their 
country from the consequences of its crime and folly and of singing the death 
dirge of their beloved nation. Both were uncompromising foes of every form 
of injustice and corruption; but each appreciated and voiced, as did no other 
men of their day, the yearning love of Jehovah for his people and his passion- 
ate eagerness to save them if they would but let him. 

Jeremiah’s call evidently came to him while he was still a youth. In the 
opening chapter of his prophecy he tells us of the long struggle between his 
natural inclinations and the call to public duty. By nature he was quiet and 
retiring. His constant references to the joys of home and the love of husband 
and wife, of children and parents, show how ardently he craved them. No 
man was more sensitive to criticism or longed more for public sympathy and 
approval. All the innate forces of his nature held him back from taking up a 
task which called for the sacrifice of almost everything that he held dearest, 
and yet, for a man with the inheritance and character of Jeremiah, it was still 
more impossible to ignore the divine call. During his period of struggle it 
would seem that every incident of his daily life voiced for him that call: the 
almond-tree, first to wake from the slumber of winter, spoke to him of the 
unceasing care with which Jehovah watched for the realization of his 
gracious purpose in the life of his people. A caldron, filled with boiling liquid, 
suggested the northern foes which threatened each moment to sweep like a 
flood upon the land of Judah. From the frequent references in his earlier 
sermons to this northern foe, apparently a horde of dread Scythians, it is 
evident that their approach was that which led the prophet to make his final 
decision and to take up his prophetic mission. 

From the first Jeremiah realized that his work would be a thankless task. 
For him it meant a life-long tragedy. He tells us that in devotion to his work 
and as a symbol to his countrymen of the privations which would come with 
the approaching exile he denied himself even the joys of married life. Yearn- 
ing intensely for sympathy and friendship, but ever an object of popular hate 
and scorn and ridicule, through forty long years he persisted in his mission. 
At times bitter cries of distress burst from his lips, revealing one of the most 
human as well as one of the most heroic of the prophets. And yet his pa- 
triotism to God and his country did not permit him to remain silent: 


If I say, I will not think of it nor speak any more in his name, 
Then there is in mine heart, as it were, a burning fire shut up in my bones, 


Through all the shifting fortunes of Judah’s policy, as the infatuated leaders 
hurried the nation on to its final ruin, Jeremiah stood firm like a light-house, 
117 


His 
spirit- 
ual kine 
ship 
with 
Hosea 


His 
piven 
phetie 
call 


Quality 
of his 
heroism 


His 
work 
during 
the 
first 
period 
of his 
minis- 
try 


His es- 
timate 
of Jo- 
siah’s 
reforms 


The 
second 
period 
of Jere- 
miah’s 
activity 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


shedding a clear, divine light upon the seething waters. He himself was 
fully conscious of his task. At the time of his call the divine word had come 
to him: 


Therefore do thou gird up thy loins and arise, 

Speak to them all that I command thee, 

Do not be terrified before them, lest I terrify thee. 

For behold, I myself make thee this day a fortified city in their presence, 

And a brazen wall against the whole land, 

Against the kings of Judah, its princes, its priests, and the common 
people. 

And they shall fight against thee, but they will not overcome thee 

For I am with thee to deliver thee, saith Jehovah. 


In reading Jeremiah’s prophecies one sometimes gains the impression 
that he was almost weak and dependent, but in the light of the conditions of 
his age and his own sensitive nature, it is clear that he is in many ways the 
noblest of all the heroes of the faith who arose in ancient Israel. His was the 
heroism of the commonplace, that divinest type of heroism which suffers 
untold agonies yet quietly persists and remains ever true to the God-given 
task, however distasteful it may be. 

In the earlier days of his ministry Jeremiah joined hands with Zephaniah. 
His early reform sermons are full of warnings and denunciations, and yet 
through them there breathes a divine love and tenderness which appeals even 
more strongly to the heart than to the reason or to the sense of fear. ‘The 
work of Zephaniah and Jeremiah and the group of reformers who gathered 
about them soon bore fruit in the reformation of Josiah. As is now generally 
recognized, the basis of that reformation was the remarkable law-book found 
in Deuteronomy (cf. Vol. IV, 31-5). It represents the united work of priests 
and prophets. In it the principles laid down by Hosea and Isaiah are formu- 
lated in definite laws to guide the people. ‘The formal acceptance and insti- 
tution of this new code opens another chapter in the history of the Hebrew 
race. Henceforth the priest and the written law come more and more to 
the front, and take the place of the prophet with his direct appeal to the na- 
tional and individual conscience. 

While the new law-book was being promulgated, and during the remainder 
of the reign of Josiah, Jeremiah appears to have been quiet. ‘The crisis hav- 
ing passed, he was free to retire to the quiet of his home at Anathoth. From 
the references in his later sermons it is clear that Jeremiah longed for a deeper 
reformation which would sweep away not only the high places and the sym- 
bols of the old heathen cults, but also the false ideas and motives in the minds 
of his fellow-countrymen. 

The tragic death of Josiah soon brought to the throne his son Jehoiakim, 
who reversed the policy of his father and had little sympathy with the ideals 
of the prophets. Egyptian and Babylonian conquerors again laid their hands 
upon Judah, and foolish counsellors brought to the state new perils. Judah’s 
need called Jeremiah from his seclusion. Until after the final fall of Jeru- 
salem in 586 B.c., he spoke continuously in public, dealing with questions relat- 

118 


THE PROPHETS OF JUDAH’S DECLINE 


ing to the political, moral, and religious welfare of Judah. Frequently he 
was attacked by the people; he was repeatedly thrown into prison; he was 
taunted as a traitor, and yet, until death overtook him as an exile in the land of 
Egypt—stoned, according to tradition, by the men of his own race—he toiled 
unceasingly to avert the final national calamity. 

Sometime during the reign of Jehoiakim, Habakkuk, a contemporary of 


Ha- 
bak- 


Jeremiah, voiced that sorrow and doubt which filled the minds of the true xuy 


prophets as they witnessed the overthrow of Josiah’s policy and saw, rapidly 
advancing, their new conquerors, the Chaldeans. Habakkuk’s literary style 
is strong and vigorous. His faith triumphs over his doubts. His point of 
view, however, is nearer that of the people and lacks the depth and spirituality 
which characterize Jeremiah’s messages. 

Judah, at first, accepted the rule of the Chaldeans without opposition; 
but after three or four years it rebelled, although in the face of Jeremiah’s 
earnest warnings and protests. In a short time Jehoiakim died and Jerusa- 
lem fell. Asa punishment for this rebellion, in 597 B.c. about ten thousand of 


the leading citizens of Jerusalem were transported to Babylonia, and over the ' 


Jews who were left behind was placed the well-meaning but inefficient 
Zedekiah. His reign of eleven years marks the third period of Jeremiah’s 
activity. Although the prophet enjoyed the confidence of the king, he was 
subjected to cruel persecution at the hands of the inexperienced nobles, who 
shaped Judah’s policy during this period. Jeremiah was also bitterly op- 
posed by the false prophets, who were especially active at this time, and who 
undermined Jeremiah’s influence with the people by advocating the popular 
policy of rebellion against Nebuchadrezzar. 

The final capture and destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.c. confirmed the 
truth of Jeremiah’s prophetic counsels. ‘The last period of his life-work was 
devoted to the survivors of this great calamity. When the Jewish governor 
Gedaliah was treacherously murdered, the prophet still advised them to re- 
main in the land and trust to the justice and clemency of Nebuchadrezzar. 
His counsel, however, was rejected and he was carried away to spend his last 
years among the Jewish fugitives in Egypt. 

Jeremiah is, indeed, the commanding figure of this tragic period of Judah’s 
decline. He alone was able, under divine guidance, to estimate the true sig- 
nificance of the forces at work in the life of his nation, to point out the dangers, 
and the only way of escape. False prophets and strong popular opposition 
confronted him on every side. ‘The authority of the prophet with the people 
was passing. Rejected and despised by his race, with heart breaking because 
of the calamities which he was forced to predict, for nearly half a century Jere- 
miah suffered almost daily martyrdom. And yet by his devotion and fidelity 
he prepared his nation for the supreme crisis of the exile and thereby preserved 
its faith in Jehovah. It was but just that the later generations should crown 
him with the highest respect and veneration. In him Hebrew prophecy 
reached its greatest spiritual height, and at last broke those national bonds 
which had hitherto prevented Israel’s faith in Jehovah from becoming an 
universal world-religion. 


119 


The 
changed 
con- 
ditions 
of the 
exile 


Loss of 
eonfi- 
dence 
in the 
spoken 
wor 


Eze- 
kiel’s 
early 
train- 
ing 


V 
THE PROPHETS OF THE EXILE AND RESTORATION 


Tue fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.c. and the changed conditions of the exile 
called forth such a different type of religious leader that certain modern 
scholars have asserted that Jeremiah was the last of the real prophets and 
that Ezekiel and those who followed were but shadowy reflections of their 
noble predecessors. ‘The assertion, however, must be modified in the light of 
the fact that a fundamental characteristic of every true prophet is an adapta- 
tion of his work and teaching to the peculiar needs of his age. No more sud- 
den and sweeping transformation ever came to a nation than that through 
which the Israelites passed in the years immediately following 586 B.c. ‘Their 
political and national life, which had been all-important in the days before the 
exile suddenly ceased, and for the next four centuries the race was bound hand 
and foot, powerless under the hands of their foreign masters. ‘The result was 
that the insistent political problems and crises which had commanded the 
attention of the prophets of the preceding period ceased to exist. Wealth 
and social distinctions also vanished, and with these the glaring social evils 
which had elicited the impassioned sermons of Amos and Micah. Under the 
deep shadow of the exile the survivors of the race for the first time fully 
appreciated and accepted the teachings of their earlier prophets. ‘To a great 
extent heathenism lost its hold upon the Jews and the immoral cults of 
Canaan ceased to exercise their malign influence. Henceforth the written 
law, embodying the social and ethical teachings of the prophets, was re- 
garded with ever-increasing reverence. 

In the light of these changed conditions it is obvious that there was little 
demand or field for a prophet. In its reverence for the authority of the past 
and for the written law the new generation was beginning to lose faith in tke 
spoken word. The later prophets also felt the lack of popular confidence and 
preferred to issue their messages anonymously. From the period of the exile 
on only four prophecies, those of Ezekiel, Haggai, Zechariah, and Joel, bear 
the names of those who uttered them. Otherwise the many prophecies of 
this period are but voices crying in the wilderness. 

The great prophet of the exile and the moulder of later Judaism is Ezekiel. 
Born in Jerusalem of priestly family, he grew up under the shadow of the 
temple and under the preaching of Jeremiah. Both of these powerful in- 
fluences may be traced throughout all his work. His experiences and activity 
are recorded by his own pen with remarkable fulness and chronological ac- 
curacy. He was one of the many priests carried into the exile at Babylonia in 
connection with the first captivity of 597 B.c. For five years he lived in the 
colony of Jewish exiles settled beside the great Kabaru Canal which ran be- 

120 


THE PROPHETS OF THE EXILE AND RESTORATION 


tween Babylon and Nippur. Communication between these exiles and their 
kinsmen who remained behind under the rule of King Zedekiah was close. 
Ezekiel was evidently well informed and keenly interested in conditions and 
problems in the distant homeland. ‘The folly of the leaders of Judah in de- 
fying the authority of Babylonia transformed the priest Ezekiel into a 
prophet, and constituted the theme of his preaching and activity recorded in 
the first twenty-five chapters of his prophecy. 

Ezekiel has given a detailed account of the call which came to him in 592 
B.c. Its elaborate imagery reflects his Babylonian environment, and its 
highly developed symbolism his priestly birth and training. It is very similar 
to Isaiah’s call both in form and content. ‘The God of Ezekiel’s inspired 
vision was the God of supreme majesty and holiness. In the dark shadow 
of the exile, however, Isaiah’s God, who was thought of as immanent and per- 
sonally active in all the life of the nation, was conceived of as a transcendent 
God above and apart from his people. As was natural, Ezekiel also em- 
phasized the ceremonial aspects of Jehovah’s holiness, and sought by means 
of an elaborate ritual to purify the uncleanness of his people. 

A strong ethical note ran through all of Ezekiel’s sermons; but he also gave 
a powerful impetus to that trend toward ceremonialism which characterized 
post-exilic Judaism. He it was who outlined that programme which, in later 
days, became the guiding norm of Judaism. His personality is stamped, not 
only upon all that he wrote, but also on the generations which succeeded him. 
When the final destruction of Jerusalem had demonstrated the truth of his 
earlier counsels, his authority as a prophet was firmly established and his pre- 
dictions satisfied the cravings of his age and race. With the eye of faith he 
saw a new race and a new religion rising out of the scattered remnants of the 
Hebrew nation, and he was able to impress this belief upon the minds of his 
discouraged and disconsolate countrymen. Ezekiel was pre-eminently the 
organizer who, in the supreme crisis of Judaism, adopting the great doctrines 
of his prophetic predecessors, developed a creed and a definite plan which met 
the new needs of the situation. His emphasis upon details and ritual was not 
only in accord with the spirit of his age, but also furnished a concrete pro- 
gramme which could be understood and adopted by the masses who were 
groping in the darkness. ‘The stern, conscientious, dramatic priest who 
labored and wrote beside the Chebar well deserves the place accorded him by 
later generations in the goodly fellowship of the prophets. He and those who 
follow him simply compel us to broaden our narrow definition of the word 
prophet. 

At the beginning of the Babylonian exile the survivors of the earlier Judean 
kingdom were to be found in three centres. ‘Thirty or forty thousand of the 
political and religious leaders of the nation were settled by themselves, a little 
Judah, in the heart of Babylonia. Many Jews—possibly more than those 
who were carried captive to Babylon—had found temporary or permanent 
refuge on the borders of the friendly land of Egypt, ready to return to their 
homes when the Babylonians were through with their rigorous punishment of 
the Jewish rebels. The majority of the nation, the peasants and the inhabi- 
tants of the villages outside of Jerusalem, remained in the land, cultivated the 


121 


Signifi- 
cance 
of his 
work 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


soil, and awaited the time when they should be freed from Babylonian bond- 
age. From incidental references in Jeremiah and Haggai and Zechariah, it 
appears that they continued to offer sacrifices on the ruins of the great rock- 
hewn altar which had stood before the temple at Jerusalem. Here also, 
probably in keeping with the spirit of Deuteronomy, they observed the sad 
fasts which took the place of the ancient, joyous annual festivals. 

Delay The conquest of Babylonia by Cyrus the Persian evidently did not bring, as 

builds later tradition suggests, a general return of the Jews from Babylon. ‘The 

ae mal policy of the Persian conqueror opened the way for the exiles to return and 
even gave them encouragement to rebuild their cities and sanctuaries; but 
it would seem that only a little handful of Jews from Babylon, certain priests 
and descendants of the old Hebrew reigning family, found their way back to 
the desolate hills of Judah. Otherwise the poor, struggling Judean commu- 
nity included simply the peasants who had been left behind and the fugitives 
who had returned from Egypt. Eighteen years, apparently, elapsed after the 
conquest of Babylon by Cyrus Boor any attempt was made to rebuild the 
temple at Jerusalem. 

Hag- The change in the spirit of See which first appeared in the character 

gals and work of Ezekiel, was again forcibly illustrated. The two men who in- 


ive. Spired and directed the rebuilding of the temple were the prophets Haggai and 

Ing Zechariah. In originality and spirituality they are far inferior to the prophets 
of the pre-exilic period. In thought and sympathy they are, however, in close 
touch with the mass of the people. Haggai was a layman, energetic, blunt, 
direct in speech, and intensely practical in his counsel. By his homely rea- 
soning and encouraging messages he stirred the lazy, faint-hearted, and dis- 
couraged Judean community to effective action. ‘The rebellions which, in 
521 B.c., broke out in many parts of the Persian empire also kindled the 
hopes of the people and encouraged them to believe that the hour of their 
deliverance was at hand. 

Zecha- Haggai’s contemporary and fellow-worker Zechariah was apparently of 

Seat ‘priestly descent. He belonged to the priestly family of Iddo (Neh. 12*). His 

sonality point of view and interests are those of a man brought up in the atmosphere 
of the ceremonial law. His kinship with the other priest-prophet Ezekiel is 
close. Being a priest, it is exceedingly probable that he was born among the 
exiles in Babylonia. ‘The breadth of his outlook and his keen interest in the 
great world movements further suggest that his early training was received in 
Babylon. Like Haggai, he was a man of great energy and took up the work 
of encouraging and directing the thought of the Judean community in the 
same spirit as his fellow-prophet. In a series of impressive visions he dealt 
practically with the problems that confronted the temple-builders. He was 
an able pastor who dispelled the popular doubts and inspired the people under 
his care to continued activity. 

Work The entire recorded work of these two prophets of the new temple was 

alr limited to the two or three years between September 520 and 518 B.c. Ata 

Zecha- critical moment, however, in the life of Judaism they stood forth to make 
clear to their race its supreme duty in the light of changed conditions which had 
resulted from the destruction of their city and temple. Unlike many of the 


122 


THE PROPHETS OF THE EXILE AND RESTORATION 


pre-exilic prophets, they also lived to see the fruit of their labors in the re- 
building of the temple and in the rebirth of hope in the minds of the Jews of 
Palestine. Even though the larger restoration for which they hoped did not 
come for more than a century, Haggai the layman and Zechariah the priest 
must be counted among the founders of Judaism. 

The prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah are of great value for the study of 
post-exilic prophecy, inasmuch as they can be definitely dated and shed clear 
light upon the hopes of the Jews during the days immediately following the 
exile. They afford by far the best approach for the study of the difficult 
problems presented by Isaiah 40-66. ‘They indicate clearly that in 518 B.c., 
the hopes for a general restoration of the exiles to Jerusalem were exceedingly 
strong in the minds of prophets and people, but that the realization lay in the 
future rather than in the immediate past. Zechariah also bears testimony to 
the fundamental changes that took place in his own expectation regarding the 
future of his nation during the critical years that lay between the beginning and 
completion of the second temple. In 520 B.c. both he and Haggai, doubtless 
reflecting popular belief, trusted and predicted that the immediate future 
would bring to them independence and national glory under the rule of Zerub- 
babel, a scion of the Davidic royal line. By 518, however, this hope of a 
Davidic king and kingdom had passed away, but the expectation of a general 
restoration of the exiles had only grown the stronger. It had broadened, 
however, into the belief that other nations would come to worship Jehovah 
as the universal, divine Ruler. Zechariah’s closing prophecy regarding Je- 
hovah’s return to Zion, and the prosperity and glory which would come to the 
sacred city and the chosen people, is the fitting prelude to the proclamation of 
the early restoration of Jehovah’s people with which Isaiah 40-66 opens. The 
basis of the hopes for a general return of the exiles, which Zechariah shares 
with the author of Isaiah 40-66 (who may be designated as the great prophet 
of the restoration), was not merely the conquest of Babylon, but also the fact 
that the communal life at Jerusalem and the temple service had been re- 
established. 

In Isaiah 56 and the following chapters there are repeated references to the 
temple and its service, indicating that it had already been restored (cf. §§ 176, 
178, introd. notes). Moreover, these references are not confined to the latter 
part of the book. In 43”: * the prophet complains, in the name of Jehovah, 
that the community had not brought to him the sheep of their burnt-offerings 
nor honored him with their sacrifices. Such a charge would be meaningless if 
the temple were not already rebuilt. The charges are also very similar to 
those made by the author of the book of Malachi, who wrote sometime about 
the middle of the Persian period. 

Chapters 56-66 are generally recognized as post- -exilic, but, on the basis of 
the mention of Cyrus in two passages (44, 45'), Isaiah 40-55 have been at- 
tributed by the majority of recent scholars to the closing years of the Baby- 
lonian exile. ‘The fact, on the one hand, that there are few, if any, allusions 
to contemporary events in these chapters, and, on the other hand, that little or 
nothing is known of the condition and hopes of the Jews during this period 
makes this dating of these prophecies possible although far from certain. As 


123 


temple 


Jsaiah 
40-66 
written 
in Pal- 
estine 


Con- 
tent 
and 
purpose 
of these 
chap- 
ters 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


will be shown, however, in connection with the text, the references to Cyrus 
were, beyond reasonable doubt, added by a scribe familiar with the opening 
chapters of the book of Ezra. A comparison of the description of Jehovah’s 
anointed, in Isaiah 45, with closely parallel passages in the same context and 
in 49 shows that the prophet had in mind not a foreign king but Israel, the 
messianic nation, called and upheld by Jehovah through the ages and given 
dominion as in the days of David over heathen kings and nations. 

Also the assumption that the author of these chapters lived in the Baby- 
lonian exile is not supported by a close examination of the prophecies them- 
selves. Possibly their author was one of the few who, like Zerubbabel, had 
been born in Babylon and later returned to Palestine. He was also deal- 
ing with such broad and universal problems that he gives few indications of 
his date and place of abode; but all the evidence that is found points to 
Jerusalem as the place where he lived and wrote. Babylon is only one of the 
distant lands of the dispersion. As Jehovah’s spokesman the prophet ad- 
dresses Jerusalem, declaring: 


Fear not I am with ‘thee, 

From the east I will bring thine offspring. 

From the west I will gather thee. 

I will say to the north, Give up. 

And to the south, Withhold not! 

Bring my sons from afar and my daughters from the ends of 
the earth. 


The prophet’s interest and point of view centre throughout in Jerusalem, and 
he shows himself far more familiar with conditions in Palestine than in distant 
Babylon. Most of his illustrations are drawn from the agricultural life of 
Palestine. His vocabulary is also that of a man dwelling in Palestine, and in 
this respect is in marked contrast with the synonymes employed by Ezekiel, 
the prophet of the Babylonian exile.* 

While in touch with his own age, the great unknown prophet lives in the 
atmosphere of the past and the future. His prophecies rise above the limita- 
tions of place and time; the entire panorama of ancient history is spread out 
before his inspired vision. His reasoning is as simple and powerful as is his 
literary style: Jehovah’s incomparable superiority to all other gods is re- 
vealed in the leadership and exaltation of his chosen people in the past; the 
same God who led from the distant East a little clan and gave them posses- 
sion of Palestine and rulership over their neighbors is able and will again 
gather his scattered people and realize through them his noble purpose in the 
history of mankind. It was his supreme vision of Jehovah, as revealed in the 
past life of his race and of humanity, in the heavens and in nature, that im- 
pelled the great unknown prophet to write those immortal poems which il- 
luminate all human history and which present, as do no other passages of the 
Old Testament, the true character of the infinite, omnipotent, omniscient, 
and benign Ruler of the universe. 





* Cf, Cobb, Jour. of Bib. Lit., XX VII, 48-64. 
124 


THE PROPHETS OF THE EXILE AND RESTORATION 


In his picture of the suffering servant of Jehovah one recognizes the pro- 
found impression which the long, voluntary martyrdom of Jeremiah made 
upon the receptive mind of this deep student of Israel’s past. In his treat- 
ment of the problem of evil and in his exalted estimate of suffering volun- 
tarily borne for others, it is impossible not to see the influence of that bitter 
and prolonged affliction which was then the lot of the prophet in common with 
the faithful of his race. His glorious picture of the future was the trium- 
phant cry of a soul who has passed through the valley of the shadow of death 
and seen the great light. His was the vision of a seer, the spirit of a philosopher, 
and the soul of a poet. Bold in denouncing the blindness of the people and 
the hypocrisy and rapacity of their leaders, he speaks with divine tenderness 
to the timid and despondent. He, above all others, was the prophet who 
bridged the centuries, who took firm hold of the eternal verities, who inspired 
in the heart of his race a deathless hope, who spiritualized the aspirations of 
weak humanity and made the message and mission of Judaism universal. 

The biblical historians are silent regarding the seventy years following the 
rebuilding of the temple in 516 B.c. From Nehemiah’s vivid account of con- 
ditions as he found them in Jerusalem about 445 B.c., it is clear that the in- 
tervening years had brought disappointment and distress to the Jews of 
Palestine. ‘The ancient city walls were still in ruins so that the inhabitants of 
Jerusalem were an easy prey to the attacks of their hostile neighbors. The 
Edomites, who at the beginning of the Babylonian exile had been driven from 
their own homes, had seized southern Judah. From this vantage-point they 
vented their hereditary enmity upon the helpless Jewish peasants. In the 
thought of the Jews the Edomites were the symbol of all that was evil and op- 
posed to the interests of Jehovah and his people. ‘Their overthrow is the theme 
of the little prophecy of Obadiah, which comes from this period. On the west 
were the survivors of the ancient Philistines, and just across the Jordan the Am- 
monites continued that close ring of hereditary foes with which the Jews were 
encircled. On the north the half-heathen Samaritans completed the circle. 

Within the Jewish community itself the more aggressive leaders had, in 
time, acquired property and influence and formed a strong and powerful 
party which protected itself by making alliances with the leaders of the 
neighboring nations and regarded the temple service and the poorer classes, 
who found in it their only joy, with scorn or open contempt. There was 
nothing that was great or inspiring in the life of the Judean community. The 
author of the little book of Malachi throws clear light upon conditions in Je- 
rusalem in the years not long preceding the advent of Nehemiah. ‘The temple 
had long been rebuilt, and even the priests themselves had begun to be care- 
less in the performance of their duties. Apparently the walls of Jerusalem had 
not yet been built. The sceptics are outspoken in their avowal of their doubts 
regarding Jehovah’s power to deliver his people, but in the minds of the faith- 
ful there is a strong hope, even as in Isaiah 40-66, that Jehovah is about to 
rise and vindicate his own. 


Malachi is but the Hebrew equivalent of my messenger, the one who, ac- 
cording to 3°, was to come speedily to prepare for the advent of Jehovah. The 


125 


The 
per- 
sonal- 
ity of 
their 
author 


Fort- 
unes 

of the 
Judean 
com- 
munity 
after 
516 
B.C. 


Inter- 
nal con¢ 
ditions 


Title of 
th 


e 
book of 
Malachi 


Char- 
acter of 
its au- 
thor 


Effect 
of the 
pro- 
phetic 
teach- 
ing 
upon 
the 
com- 
munity 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


Greek translators translate Malachi in the superscription with the words, By 
the hand of his messenger, and the later Jewish and Christian scholars were 
almost unanimous in concluding that Malachi was not the name of the 
prophet, but simply a part of the later scribal designation of the book. Hence 
it would appear that, like most of the prophets of this period, the author of 
the book of Malachi wrote anonymously. 

His personality and spirit, however, are revealed by his words. He was in 
closest touch with the different members of the Judean community. Like his 
predecessors Haggai and Zechariah, he labored earnestly to maintain the 
purity of the ritual, as well as the standards of justice and mercy. He was by 
no means, however, a narrow champion of Jewish exclusiveness. With an 
astonishing breadth of vision he declares that the blind though devoted wor- 
ship of the heathen was even more acceptable to Jehovah than the half-hearted, 
hypocritical service of the Jerusalem priests. ‘The prophet was evidently a 
man of great independence, originality, and energy. He addressed himself 
frankly and boldly to the existing problems and evils of his day. Repeatedly 
he presents the objections in the minds ‘of his hearers and then deals with them 
plainly and effectively. He is, indeed, himself a voice crying in the wilderness, 
Jehovah’s messenger preparing the way for the later reformation carried 
through by Nehemiah, and the great movement represented in tradition by 
Ezra. 

It is clear that during the days preceding the appearance of Nehemiah in 
Palestine the minds of certain members of the Judean community were filled 
with a great expectation. ‘The mighty Persian empire still held them powerless 
in its iron grasp; but out of the seventy years of persecution and distress which 
had followed, under the inspiration of the messages of the authors of Isaiah 
40-55 and the book of Malachi, the hopes of the faithful rose again in nobler 
and more spiritual form. Possibly these hopes inspired the little group of 
Jews to face the discomforts and perils of the long desert journey to distant 
Susa that they might enlist the co-operation of their kinsmen, the royal cup- 
bearer Nehemiah. In the remarkable prayer which stands at the beginning 
of his memoirs (Neh. 1) it is not difficult to recognize the influence of the 
thought of the great prophet of the restoration. In six verses he uses the 
term servant (in the sense of servant of Jehovah) eight times. His words in 
1°, Now these are thy servants and thy people whom thou hast redeemed by thy 
great power and by thy strong hand, are an echo of the familiar teachings of the 
II Isaiah. Nehemiah himself was one of the true servants of Jehovah. His 
work in part realized the divine promises proclaimed by the great prophet of 
the restoration. He it was who energetically and successfully attacked the 
social and moral evils in the Judean community, and as Jehovah’s messenger 
prepared the way for a great spiritual revival (cf. Neh. 5,13). The rebuild- 
ing of the walls of Jerusalem and the repeopling of the city under the direction 
of Nehemiah led to that extension of Judah’s territory and the general return 
of the exiles, which apparently took place somewhere during the first half of 
the fourth century B.c. (cf. Vol. II, § 165). 


126 


VI 
THE PROPHETS OF LATER JUDAISM 


Tue period between 400 and 350 z.c. furnishes the most probable back- 
eround for the prophecy of Joel. ‘The social evils which the earlier prophets 
had denounced have already disappeared. The elders and the priests are the 
ruling classes in the community. ‘The temple and its service occupy a central 
place, not merely in the life of Judah, but in the thought of the prophet. Like 
Ezekiel and Zechariah, Joel is an ardent champion of the ritual and is in full 
sympathy with the ceremonial trend of later Judaism. His attention is fixed 
entirely upon the problems of the Judean community. Its heathen neighbors 
the Edomites, the Phoenicians, and the Philistines are still a thorn in the flesh, 
and the great barrier in the way of the establishment of Jehovah’s world- 
wide kingdom. ‘The immediate occasion of his prophecy was the invasion of 
a great swarm of locusts, which threatened to destroy all vegetation, and thus 
to make impossible the continuation of the temple service. In the prophet’s 
mind this calamity was an index that Jehovah’s great day of judgment was at 
hand. In detail and with graphic imagery he pictures the different aspects of 
this era of vindication and exaltation, which he, in common with the ma- 
jority of the prophets of his age, believed to be near at hand. ‘To him the over- 
throw of the wicked heathen nations who had long oppressed Jehovah’s faith- 
ful people seemed essential, not only for the realization of the destiny of the 
Jews, but also for the vindication of Jehovah’s justice. 

In the light of history, Joel must be reckoned as one of the lesser prophets. 
He marks the great transition from the earlier ethical prophets, who addressed 
themselves to the living problems of their day, to the new type of prophet, who 
lived largely in the future and dreamed of some great, miraculous, divine in- 
terposition to right the evils of the world, and to institute that righteous social 
order which the earlier prophets had sought to develop through the appeal to 
the consciences of their countrymen. 

The next half-century brought to the Jewish community in Palestine, not the 
realization of the hopes which Joel had expressed in such vivid imagery, but a 
new series of disasters. In 368 3B.c. Artexerxes Ochus, the most cruel and 
blood-thirsty, as well as one of the most energetic of the Persian rulers, came 
to the throne. Egypt, Phceenicia, and probably all of Palestine were soon in- 
volved in a general uprising, which was for a time successful but was in the 
end put down with relentless cruelty and appalling loss of life. ‘Thousands of 
the Pheenicians perished, many of the Jews appear to have been transported 
to the province of Hyrcania, south of the Caspian Sea, and the temple at Je- 
zusalem was desecrated, if not temporarily destroyed. 


127 


Joel’s 
point 
of view 


The 
new 
type of 
prophet 


Closing 
years 
of the 
Persian 
period 


Effects 
of Al- 
exan- 
der’s 
con- 
quests 


The 
book of 
Jonah 


Its 
real 
nature 
and 
pur- 
pose 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


A few years later Alexander the Great appeared on the northern horizon of 
Judah in his victorious march to the conquest of the Persian empire, which 
was completed by 331 B.c. This change of rulers does not seem to have 
greatly affected the Judean community. In making Alexandria the great 
commercial seaport of the eastern Mediterranean, Alexander offered special 
inducements to the Jews, who settled there in great numbers. Again the tide 
of Jewish colonization set away from rather than toward Jerusalem, and the 
religious and intellectual life of the Jews of Alexandria became in many ways 
more important than that of the temple-city itself. 

Disappointed in its hopes of a signal vindication and world-wide rulership, 
and suffering under the wrongs inflicted by their heathen neighbors and rulers, 
the hearts of the great majority of the Jews both in Palestine and in the lands 
of the dispersion were embittered. ‘They forgot that they had been called 
to be Jehovah’s witnesses before the Gentiles and that they were to conquer 
the world by the invincible weapons of love and service rather than by the 
sword. One great prophetic soul, however, like Jeremiah and the II Isaiah, 
stands apart and above his age and proclaims a message of profound spiritual 
significance. It is the author of the much misunderstood little book of Jonah. 
It is not a prophecy but a story regarding a prophet. At first glance its place 
among the distinctively prophetic books of the Old Testament seems anoma- 
lous, but a more careful reading leads to the conclusion that it is more than a 
mere history, it is rather a story or parable intended, like the didactic stories 
and parables of the rabbis and of the Great Teacher of Nazareth, to convey 
certain profound and universal religious truths. 

Its hero is Jonah, the son of Amittai, the prophet from Gath-heper, who 
lived in Northern Israel about the middle of the eighth century B.c., and who, 
according to II Kings 14”, predicted to Jereboam II the restoration of Israel’s 
ancient boundaries. ‘he story-teller, however, has drawn freely from the 
field of tradition and popular wonder stories. ‘The result is that the narrative 
from beginning to end abounds in the miraculous. The prophet has also 
shaped or freely adapted his materials to the realization of his didactic pur- 
pose. ‘The result is a story so dramatic and fascinating that it holds the at- 
tention from beginning to end, so simple that it seems almost childish, and 
yet, with quiet humor and an irony which is irresistible, it teaches truths which 
are of profound and universal significance. On the one side the book is a 
protest against the pride and narrow exclusiveness, which was beginning to 
characterize the Jews, and of that spirit of hostility, which is expressed in 
the closing chapters of Joel and in the book of Malachi. On the other side 
it is a powerful declaration of the great truth that Jehovah’s love and care 
were limited to no one race. Jonah stands forth as a type of Israel, which 
had been called to be a prophet-nation and to proclaim Jehovah’s will to 
all mankind. In the experiences of Jonah the folly of refusing to carry out 
the divine commission was clearly pictured. He also exemplifies Israel’s 
narrowness and inconsistency. He complains bitterly to the God of mercy 
and love because of the little misfortunes that came to him, such as the 
withering of the gourd; while in the same breath he arrogates to himself the 
right of reprimanding Jehovah because, in his divine goodness, he had shown 


128 


THE PROPHETS OF LATER JUDAISM 


mercy to the heathen and to his innocent and helpless creatures. In contrast 
to Jonah and the prophet-nation the heathen sailors and the Assyrians 
themselves, in accordance with their light, are far better and more deserv- 
ing of the divine favor. The book is, therefore, a missionary tract. It is 
a stern call to Israel to cease praying for the destruction of the heathen, 
and instead to arise and perform its divine task in leading the nations to a 
knowledge of Jehovah. It is also a powerful declaration of the quality and 
depth and universality of Jehovah’s love—a love which is as strong for the 
ignorant and helpless heathen as for his favored people. 

During the Greek period, which followed the conquests of Alexander, the 
Jews were subject at first to the Ptolemies, who ruled over Egypt, and later 
to the Seleucid, with their capital at Antioch. The territory of Palestine, 
lying midway between these two rival kingdoms, was a constant bone of con- 
tention. The result was that sometimes the Jews were courted and some- 
times plundered and cruelly oppressed by the kings of Egypt and Syria. From 
the references in the II Isaiah to the oppression of the scattered exiles, and 
from the records of later persecutions in Egypt and other parts of the world, 
it is evident that the lot of many of the Jews was a far from pleasant one. 
To be loyal to their religion and peculiar institutions demanded rare courage 
and devotion. 

It is now generally recognized that the book of Daniel comes from the 
period following the conquests of Alexander. The presence of so many 


Greek as well as Persian words in its opening chapters points definitely to i 


this conclusion. Its peculiar literary style and constructions are found only 
in late writings, like Chronicles, Ecclesiastes, Esther, and later Jewish litera- 
ture. Although its background is the Babylonian and Persian periods, it 
reveals an ignorance of the actual course of history during these periods which 
is inconceivable, if the author lived contemporaneously with or soon after the 
events described. ‘hus, for example, Belshazzar is said to have been the son 
and immediate successor of Nebuchadrezzar and to have ruled over Babylon 
at the time of its fall, From contemporary Babylonian inscriptions, how- 
ever, it is an established fact that four kings succeeded Nebuchadrezzar on 
the throne of Babylon, and that the last king was Nabonidus. Belsharuzur 
was the name of a son of Nabonidus who apparently never came to the throne 
of Babylon, for the city fell before his father’s death. In the book of Daniel 
the conqueror of Babylon is not Cyrus, but Darius the Mede. The belief 
that the Medes conquered Babylonia was probably based on the predictions 
in Isaiah 13'7 and 21°. Cyrus the Persian is represented as the conqueror of 
Darius. ‘The names and order of the four Persian kings mentioned in the 
book of Daniel are those which appear in late Jewish tradition, suggesting 
strongly that we have here, not historical narratives, but the vague memories 
of a later age. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that, in contrast, the 
events and character of the Greek period are presented with great detail and 
fidelity. The interest of the entire book focuses on this and the early part of 
the Maccabean age. ‘These and other converging lines of evidence leave 
little reasonable doubt that the book of Daniel must be dated somewhere 
after 300 B.c. 


129 


Greek 
period 


Daniel 


Tndica- 
tions 
that 
Daniel 
1—6 was 
orig 
inally a 
distinct 
book 


Differ- 
ences 
in con- 
tent 


Date 
of 1-6 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


Hitherto the book has been attributed, with remarkable unamimity among 
modern scholars, to one author. A recent writer,* however, has adduced con- 
vineing evidence that the original edition of Daniel contained simply the 
stories found in chapters 1-6. Briefly summarized, the evidence is, first, the 
fundamental differences in style between the first and second halves of the 
book. In 1-6 many Persian and Greek words are introduced, evidently 
with deliberate purpose, but in the second half, although the theme is almost 
identically the same, these practically disappear. ‘The literary style of 1—6 is 
that of the ordinary narrative or story of the period, but 7-12 abounds in 
original expressions, peculiar uses of words, and unique idioms, which dif- 
ferentiate it from every other Old Testament writing. In 1-6 Daniel is a man 
of learning and rare insight, who is able, because of his abilities, to interpret 
dreams, and who enjoys high favor under his foreign masters. In 7-12, on 
the contrary, he is simply a passive recipient of the divine relation, he is fre- 
quently terrified and even faints, and is able to interpret the visions only as 
their meaning is explained to him in minutest detail. The result is two 
fundamentally different portraits. - 

The contents of the two parts are also very different. Chapters 1-6 con- 
tain edifying stories, akin to those in the book of Genesis, with little, if any, 
apocalyptic material; while 7-12 are pure apocalypses. Furthermore, the 
chronological data of the two parts do not agree. In 1?* it is stated that 
Daniel continued even to the first year of King Cyrus, which is clearly in- 
tended to mean that this date marks the end of his long activity, but in 10° 
Daniel’s final and most important vision is dated in the third year of Cyrus. 
Most significant of all is the fact that 1-6 does not contain the slightest refer- 
ence to the persecutions under Antiochus, which occupy the central place in 
7-12. Instead, Nebuchadnezzar and Darius, the kings who figure most 
prominently in 1-6 are regarded very favorably and prove themselves the 
friends of Daniel and, according to their light, the champions of the religion 
of Jehovah. In these respects they resemble certain of the early Greek rulers, 
who proved themselves generous patrons of the Jews. 

Chapter 2 furnishes the data for determining the approximate date of 
these stories, for the predictions culminate in an unmistakable allusion to 
the marriage between Antiochus Theos and Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy 
Philadelphus, in 248 B.c., and the references to the historical events of the 
period cease with the statement that the alliance between Syria and Egypt, 
thus consummated, was soon broken. ‘The chief event, in the mind of the 
author, was the murder of Berenice and Antiochus by Laodice, his former 
wife, and the subsequent invasion of Syria by Ptolemy Euergetes, who 
reigned between 247 and 222 B.c. He was the strongest ruler of this period 
and extended the authority of Egypt through southwestern Asia. His king- 
dom is evidently represented by the strength of the iron and the Syrian 
kingdom by the miry clay of Daniel 2“. It is practically certain, therefore, 
that the author of these stories must have lived somewhere between 245 and 
225 3.c., for if he had lived even to the latter part of the third century B.c., 





* Professor Torrey in Transactions of the Conn. Acad. of Arts and Sciences, XV, 241-82. 
130 


THE PROPHETS OF LATER JUDAISM 


when Syria’s growth in strength was as rapid as Egypt’s decline, his estimate 
of the two powers would have been fundamentally different. 

The method of the author of these stories was similar to that of the book 
of Jonah. It was to teach certain important truths by means of graphic 
and impressive stories. ‘The allurements of Egypt and Antioch, and of Greek 
civilization in general, were a great source of temptation to the Jews, scattered 
as they were at this time throughout the known world. Each of these stories 
teaches its obvious and practical moral. ‘They present, in very concrete form, 
the duty and the rewards of fidelity to the Jewish law, and of unswerving 
trust and loyalty to the God of their fathers. The temptations which came 
to Daniel and his friends were typical of those which came to the Jews of the 
period. ‘The example of these heroes of the faith was undoubtedly a great 
source of inspiration to those who were thus tempted. Jehovah’s superiority 
over heathen rulers and powers is also vividly set forth in the language of popu- 
lar story. 

That the early stories in chapters 1-6 made a profound impression on the 
Jews of the period is shown by the use that is made of them by the author of 
the remaining chapters of the book. He deliberately bound the two parts 
closely together, and was strongly influenced by the older models. Daniel’s 
visions in 7-12 are distributed through the reigns of the same kings as are 
the stories in 1-6. ‘The method of interpreting past history in the form of 
vision, first introduced in 2, is not only employed but further developed in 
chapters 7-12. In this way the history, beginning with the Babylonian 
period and culminating with the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, is 
traced with increasing detail in three distinct visions. . 

Most of the historical allusions can be definitely identified. In each vision 
the prediction culminates in a minute description of the impious character 
and pitiless persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes. Certain minor variations 
suggest that perhaps these were issued, not all at once, but in succession. ‘The 
evidence points to the year 166 B.c. as their probable date. The Maccabean 
uprising, while alluded to in 11%, is not as yet regarded as of especial signifi- 
cance. Evidently the Hasideans or the party of the pious, to which the 
author belonged, had not yet allied themselves with Judas Maccabeus and his 
followers. ‘There is also no reference to the great victories which resulted 
in the restoration of the temple service late in 165 B.c. Instead of the eastern 
expedition, during which Antiochus died (164 B.c.), the author predicts for 
him an Egyptian expedition, 11°“, to which there is no reference in con- 
temporary records. With the events of the year 166 B.c., when the author 
in all probability wrote, the minute detailed predictions suddenly ceased and 
instead only the most genera] descriptions of the victory of the saints and the 
institution of Jehovah’s messianic rule are given. 

The aim of the prophetic author of these visions was to keep alive the faith 
and hope of his persecuted countrymen and to inspire within them undying 
patience and courage. In the trying days before Judas and his followers un- 
sheathed the sword, these were the only obstacles which deterred Antiochus 
from realizing his desire to stamp out the Jewish religion and hellenize the 
Israelitish race. ‘The methods of this late prophet were very different from 


131 


Their 
teachs 
ings 


Evi- 
dence 
that 
7-12 is 
based 
on 1-6 


Date of 
7-12 


Aim of 
the au: 
thor 


Zecha- 
riah 
9-14 


Peint of 
view of 
their 
author 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


those of an Isaiah or a Jeremiah, but in the perspective of history the value of 
his service cannot be overestimated, for he helped to keep alive the faith of 
his race and to preserve for humanity the inestimable heritage which had been 
intrusted to Judaism. 

The authors of the two different parts of the book of Daniel belong to the 
party of the Hasideans or pious, the forerunners of the later Pharisees. ‘Their 
point of view is pietistic and ecclesiastical. ‘They taught that, if the nation 
was but loyal to the demands of the ceremonial law, Jehovah would in time 
surely intervene, and, by a great miracle, bring about the deliverance and 
vindication for which they so earnestly hoped and prayed. Fortunately, 
there is found in the Old ‘Testament another prophet, whose writings throw 
a new light upon that supreme crisis in Israel’s history, which resulted from 
the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes. ‘The detailed reasons for conclud- 
ing that the author of chapters 9-14, which are appended to the book of 
Zechariah, come from about the year 160 B.c. will be presented later. In this 
historic setting these otherwise obscure chapters find their clearest and most 
satisfactory interpretation. ‘They are filled from beginning to end with the 
ideas and phrases, not only of the earlier but also of the later prophetic books. 
Above all, they breathe the martial spirit which, after lying dormant for four 
long centuries, was kindled anew in the breasts of the patriotic Jews by the 
cruel and unjust acts of Antiochus Epiphanes and the intrepid leadership of 
Judas Maccabeus. Only a prophet aroused by the spirit of the age could de- 
clare, in the name of Jehovah: 


I will urge thy sons against the sons of Greece, 
And I will make thee like the sword of a hero. 


Jehovah of hosts shall defend them, 

And they shall devour and tread down the slingstones, 
They shall drink the blood of their foes like wine, 
They shall be filled with it like the crevices of an altar, 
And Jehovah their God will give them victory (9% ™ *). 


The author of these stirring chapters was evidently in sympathy with the 
policy of Judas and rejoiced in the victories and in the new national spirit 
which had suddenly come to his race. He was also filled with bitter resent- 
ment against the apostate high priests, who, in the hour of peril, had betrayed 
their nation. He shared the bitter hatred for their heathen persecutors, which 
stirred the hearts of the Jewish patriots of the period. His pictures regarding 
the future are colored by this spirit, so that, in his closing chapter, he has sur- 
passed even Joel in the lurid colors with which he has painted the fate of the 
impenitent heathen. At the same time, like the author of Daniel 7-12, he 
has a profound regard for that law, for which martyrs had already given their 
lives, and for Israel’s ceremonial institutions, which he emphasized, even to 
the ignoring of moral obligations. In his intimate familiarity with Israel’s 
past history and literature, in his passionate and in many ways narrow pa- 
triotism, in his zeal for the temple and its ritual, and in his boundless confi- 


132 


THE PROPHETS OF LATER JUDAISM 


dence in Jehovah’s ability and willingness to interpose in the behalf of the 
chosen people, he is the incarnation of the spirit of this warlike age. 

His theme is the certain and speedy and complete overthrow of the hostile 
heathen powers and the establishment of Jehovah’s kingdom, with Jerusalem 
as its centre. Like earlier post-exilic prophets, he declares that this kingdom 
is to be universal, but that it is to be established by the sword. ‘The rebellious 
are to be smitten with dire calamities, and those who share in its blessings 
must come to Jerusalem to pay homage to Jehovah, the Divine King, and to 
participate in the temple service. The prophecy does not voice the highest 
ideals reached by Israel’s spiritual teachers, but it does represent, with mar- 
vellous fidelity, that peculiar type of Judaism which emerged from the Macca- 
bean crisis and which, for the next few centuries, remained the hater and the 
hated of all the Gentile world. 

This outline study of the character and work of the different prophets in 
the light of Israel’s history demonstrates convincingly that Hebrew prophecy 
passed through several distinct stages. Its rise was gradual, but amidst the 
throes of the Assyrian and Babylonian crises it rapidly reached its zenith and 
then, from the period of the exile on, gradually declined. With the exception 
of the II Isaiah, the great prophets of Hebrew history came from the period 
before the exile. They were great because of the significance of the crisis 
which called them forth, because of the closeness of their contact with life, and 
because of the supreme unselfishness with which they took up their task. 

Although some of them came from the humbler walks of life, they were, as 
a rule, the best educated men of their age. Some, like Hosea and Isaiah, were 
acquainted with books and in touch with the centres of learning. All were 
trained in the great school of experience. Their knowledge was not theo- 
retical but practical. It included an exact and intimate acquaintance with 
their land and age, and with the political and social forces at work in Palestine, 
as well as in the larger world which encircled and largely determined the 
course of Israel’s history. ‘They also knew men and how to appeal to their 
feelings and wills with rare effectiveness. 

Another striking characteristic of Israel’s prophets was their keenness of 
insight. ‘They were able to look beneath the surface and to see that which 
was essential and significant. Popular conclusions and conventional doctrines 
did not satisfy them. Rejecting the traditions of men, they looked, with open 
mind, to God for a newer and fuller revelation of the truths and principles 
which alone would guide them and their race through the great crises which 
confronted them. ‘Thus they became effective teachers of men because they 
were the eager, alert disciples of the Highest. The truths and principles thus 
apprehended were so new, so obvious, and so convincing that each true 
prophet was absolutely sure of their divine origin. ‘They felt that their own 
individuality was merged into the divine personality, and that when they 
spoke it was Jehovah’s voice speaking through them. Hence it is easy to 
understand their impatience because of the blindness and folly of their fellow- 
countrymen, their almost frenzied zeal to point out the danger of a popular but 
false policy, and their eagerness to impress upon the people, by the use of every 
possible method, the vital truths which had been revealed to them. 


133 


His 
teach- 
ings 


Rise 
and de 
cline of 
He- 
brew 
proph- 
ecy 


Their 
atti- 
tude 
toward 
life and 
toward 
God 


Rea- 
sons 
why 
the 
pre- 
exilic 
are su- 
perior 
to the 
post- 
exilic 
proph- 
ets 


Uni- 
versal- 
ity of 
their 
mes- 
sage 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


In contrast to their successors, the pre-exilic prophets are great primarily 
because they were not dreamers but men of action; they lived in the present 
rather than the future; they appealed to men’s wills rather than to their hopes, 
and they proclaimed principles rather than predictions. ‘The present had 
for the majority of the post-exilic Jews little of interest or inspiration. Hence, 
they lived in the past and in the future. ‘The result was that the prophet in 
time again becameaseer. His message lost that practical, ethical, and spiritual 
quality which is the essence of true prophecy. When the prophets ceased to 
be preachers and became mere predicters, they lost their birthright. Not 
until John the Baptist appeared as the preacher of righteousness, as well as the 
herald of a new era, did prophecy win back again that forfeited birthright. 

Patriotic citizens of little Israel, keen of insight, eternally discontented with 
the imperfections of their race and age, prompt and fearless to act, unselfish 
in their devotion, firm believers in the justice and goodness of him who rules 
the universe, the true Hebrew prophets belonged to that kingdom of God 
which knows no bounds of race or time. As the first citizens of that eternal 
kingdom, they still stand as guides and teachers of the present as of the past. 


134 


Vil 


THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF ISRAEL'S 
MESSIANIC IDEALS 


Tue familiar terms Messiah and messianic are derived from the Hebrew 
word meaning to smear, to anoint. It was used to describe the anointing or 
consecrating of weapons of war, of sacred pillars, altars, the holy vessels of 
the temple, the ark, the tabernacle, and even the Holy Place. Persons as 
well as objects were also anointed and consecrated to their appointed tasks. 
Thus kings, like Saul, David, and Solomon, were publicly anointed; prophets, 
like Elisha, by the hand of Elijah; and priests, as they assumed the duties of 
their sacred office. The object or person thus anointed became a Messiah, 
in so far as the act symbolized consecration to a definite task. In each of 
these cases the anointing by oil represented the conferring of certain divine 
authority. If, as seems probable, the oil used in anointing was but the later 
substitute for the fat of the sacrificial victim, which was employed in the 
earlier rites, the historical content of the custom at once becomes clear. In 
primitive thought, by this act something of the sanctity and power of the 
Deity was thus imparted to the object or person upon whom the fat of the 
sacrifice rested. 

In its narrower usage the term messianic is limited to those prophecies which 
describe the person or agent called and empowered to do a definite work and to 
realize the divine purpose in human history. In this more limited sense the 
messianic prophecies would include simply those which describe the work and 
character of the Messiah, whether the Messiah be an individual or a nation. 

In its history and derivation,'however, as well as in its popular use, the word 
messianic has a far broader application. ‘To anoint in the technical sense 
was to set apart and divinely equip an object or individual for the realization 
of a definite task or purpose. The realization of that definite divine purpose 
in human history is, therefore, the essential element in Hebrew messianic 
prophecy, although it necessarily includes a description of the means and 
agencies by which this divine purpose is to be realized. Hence in its broader 
definition and use the term messianic comprises all those varied prophecies 
in the Old Testament and in late Jewish literature which describe the noble 
destiny that God has in store for the race and the different agents and 
agencies by which that destiny is to be realized. 

Messianic prophecy in its broader and even in its narrower sense was by 
no means limited to the Hebrews. The same psychological tendencies which 
gave rise to the earlier forms of Israel’s messianic hope were at work in the 
minds of other peoples. The desire to be delivered from want and oppres- 

135 


Deriva: 
tion 
and 
mean- 
ing of 
the 
term 
mes- 
sianie 


Its nars 
rower 
and 
broader 
use 


Messi, 
anic 
proph- 
ecy 
among 
other 
nations 


The an- 
cient 
and the 
pro- 
phetic 
idea 

of the 
golden 
age 


Diffi- . 
culty in 
tracing 
the de- 
velop- 
ment of 
Israel's 
mes- 
sianic 
ideals 


The re- 
sulting 
eonfu- 
sion 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


sion, the aspirations for national glory and prosperity, and the craving fot 
peace and the sense of harmony with man and God, are asoldasman. One of 
the best illustrations of early messianic prophecy is found in the literature of 
the Middle Egyptian kingdom. As has already been noted (p. 5), a certain 
prophet, Ipuwer, predicted in the presence of the king that the existing social 
and political organizations would be overthrown by foreign invaders and 
that frightful calamities would overtake all classes. Then a saviour would 
arise to restore the land. He would bring cooling to the flame. He would 
smite evil when he raised his arm against it. Many other such prophecies 
are found in Egyptian literature. The motive may have been thus tactfully 
to extol the achievements of the reigning monarch, or else to hold up be- 
fore him and his people certain ideals which would inspire them to nobler 
achievements. 

While traces of the hope of a golden era in the future occasionally appear, 
most ancient peoples believed that that ideal age lay in the past rather than in 
the future. ‘The Egyptians themselves conceived of the early reign of Ra as 
the age of perfection. The Babylonians, Persians, and most of the peoples 
of southern Asia had their traditions of the days of the past when men and 
gods lived together on some mountain peak or mystical garden amidst con- 
ditions which were the realization of the fondest human ideals. ‘The opening 
chapters of Genesis contain the Hebrew version of this ancient belief. It was 
Israel’s prophets, however, who reversed this practically universal tendency, 
the logical outcome of which was pessimism regarding the present and future, 
and taught mankind that 


The best is yet to be, 
The last of life for which the first was made. 


No subject in the wide realm of biblical literature and thought is less under- 
stood and more variously interpreted than messianic prophecy. ‘The reasons 
for this confusion are many. Ordinarily these prophecies are approached 
from the point of view of the New Testament and with the methods of inter- 
pretation of the early Church. It is inevitable that this reversal of the histori- 
cal method of study should obscure, rather than reveal, the true order of de- 
velopment. Most of the distinctly messianic prophecies are also anonymous, 
so that it is difficult to determine their date with assurance. Furthermore, 
the tendency was strong among the later Jewish editors of the Old Testament 
writings to project the ideals of their age back into the earliest periods of their 
history in order to secure for the many anonymous prophecies of a later age 
the authority of a Moses, an Isaiah, or a Jeremiah. ‘The tendency was 
closely parallel to that which led them to attribute practically all of their 
laws to Moses, their Psalms to David, and their proverbs to Solomon. 

Interpreted, as they usually are, in their present literary setting, these dif- 
ferent prophecies give an entirely false conception of the historical develop- 
ment of Israel’s messianic ideals. ‘These messianic prophecies are also the 
product of many different tendencies. The result is that there are wide dif- 
ferences in detail between the representations of different passages and writ- 
ers. Hence, messianic prophecy in its present order is kaleidoscopic and 


136 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISRAEL’S MESSIANIC IDEALS 


leaves in the mind of the reader and student a confused rather than a definite 
impression. It is not strange, therefore, that the most widely divergent con- 
clusions are reached by different interpreters, and that by some an undue au- 
thority is attributed to certain passages, while to the majority of the Bible 
students of to-day the messianic prophecies of the Old Testament have little 
significance. 

The first step in tracing the development of Israel’s messianic hopes is to 
study the teachings of the prophets whose writings can be definitely dated 
and to make these one of the bases for determining the dates of the anonymous 
prophecies. It is astonishing to find how few are the passages whose date is 
definitely fixed. As has been already noted, the pre-exilic prophets were 
preachers rather than predicters. Present political, social, and religious crises 
demanded their attention so completely that they had little time to devote to 
thoughts of the future except as they pointed out the consequences of mistaken 
policies or lines of conduct. Ezekiel was apparently the first of the prophets 
to turn his gaze largely to the future, and his prophecies are full of valuable 
suggestions regarding the messianic hopes of his race. Haggai and Zecha- 
riah, who spoke soon after the close of the Babylonian period likewise threw 
clear light on the popular hopes of their day. It is also possible to date, with 
reasonable certainty, Isaiah 40-66, the book of Malachi, the prophecy of 
Joel, the book of Daniel, and Zechariah 9-14, and in the later period the 
different sections of the book of Enoch and the Psalms of Solomon. Another 
important aid is the close connection between the historical background 
and the different phases in the development of Israel’s messianic hopes. 
With these guides and the light of internal evidence, it is possible to determine 
approximately the period from which the important anonymous prophecies 
come. On the basis of this chronological classification of the messianic 
prophecies, the tracing of the unfolding of Israel’s hopes regarding the future 
is comparatively simple and definite. 

Among the many different influences which gave rise to messianic prophecy 
one of the most important was the ideas inherited from the pre-Hebrew 
Semitic past. These were a part of the atmosphere in which the prophets and 
their readers lived and thought. ‘The old Semitic tradition of the contest of 
the gods against Tiamat, the personification of Chaos, in its naturalized and 
Hebraized form, was constantly moulding popular belief, not only regarding 
the past, but also regarding the future. Out of this ancient soil largely sprang 
the later beliefs that Jehovah would again come as an invincible Warrior or 
Judge or Saviour, to put down the powers of evil and to institute a new regime 
of righteousness and peace. The belief that the goal of all history and life 
was a state of blessedness, in which men should live in harmony with each 
other and the divine purpose, was undoubtedly largely suggested and intensi- 
fied by the current traditions regarding the primitive day when certain fa- 
vored individuals lived in Paradise together with God or with the gods of 
early Semitic religion. 

Many of the messianic hopes of Israel, as well as those of other early 
peoples, can be traced to universal psychological tendencies. The sense of 
helplessness under cruel and unjust oppression inevitably gave rise to a pow- 


137 


Dating 
the 


mes- 
sianic 
prophe 
cies 


Influ- 
ences 
which 
gave 
rise to 
mes- 
sianic 
proph- 
ecy: in< 
erited 
tradi- 
tions 


Psy- 
cho- 
logical 
tendens< 
eies 


Ethical 
and 
mis- 
sionary 


ideals 


The 
three 
distinct 
types 
of mes- 
sianic 
proph- 
ecy: (1) 
Kingly 
and na- 
tional 


(2) 
Apoca- 
lyptic 
and 
catas- 
trophic 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


erful longing for a mighty deliverer to crush the oppressor and right the wrong. 
Present adversity and discord naturally begat hopes of a time when peace and 
prosperity should prevail. ‘These hopes sprang up especially in the minds of a 
race who believed that a just and benign God rules the universe. Moreover, 
Israel, in its later periods of distress, ever had before it in memory, and still 
further idealized by tradition, the victories and glories of the Hebrew empire 
under David and Solomon. What had been they hoped would again be in 
larger measure. ‘This Davidic moti is one which constantly recurs through- 
out the messianic prophecies. It was closely akin to that patriotic motz, 
which Israel again shared with every virile, conquering nation. ‘These na- 
tional ambitions are woven into the very warp and woof of Israel’s messianic 
prophecies. 

Under the influence of the preaching of the great ethical prophets of the 
eighth and seventh centuries B.c., more distinctly moral and religious motifs 
begin to appear. ‘The pictures of the ideal ruler and state are presented with 
the practical aim of inspiring all members of the community to strive for their 
realization. In time, also, the missionary ideal appears to take the place of 
the narrow national ambitions which had characterized the earlier messianic 
prophecies. It is not strange, therefore, that with the blending of these many 
different tendencies in many different minds Israel’s messianic ideals should 
assume very diverse forms and pass through innumerable transformations. 

Out of this seemingly hopeless confusion it is possible to distinguish three 
distinct types of messianic hope. The first was kingly and national. It 
anticipated a glorious future for the nation Israel. It was also thoroughly 
concrete. The object of its hope was a conquering king like David, who 
should overthrow and subdue Israel’s foes and build up a world-wide empire. 
In time its ideals became more ethical and spiritual, but from first to last it 
anticipated a material kingdom, with its centre at Jerusalem and with the 
heathen nations simply as subjects of victorious Israel. It was a kingdom to 
be established and maintained by the sword. It was the ideal of the warrior, of 
the statesman, and of the popular patriot of the earlier days, as it was of the 
common people and the Zealots far down in the Roman period. 

The second type of messianic hope was apocalyptic and catastrophic. Its 
future kingdom was to be established, not by the sword of a Davidic king, but 
by the hand of a Divine Warrior. ‘The heathen were to be overthrown, but 
not through the personal activity of the Israelites. Its watchword was the 
Day of Jehovah, which was popularly conceived of as a definite time, some- 
where in the future, when Jehovah himself would appear and, by miraculous 
means, overthrow the hostile, wicked, heathen powers and vindicate his people, 
giving them the central place in the universal kingdom which he would thus 
by his might establish. This conception did not entirely preclude the pres- 
ence of a messianic king, to rule as his viceroy, but Jehovah himself was the 
chief figure, both in establishing and maintaining his sovereignty. Although 
we are still ignorant regarding many of the phases of the messianic and kin- 
dred hopes entertained by primitive Semitic peoples, it would seem clear, in 
the light of the facts already known, that this type of Israel’s popular hope was 
largely inherited from its Semitic ancestors. At the same time it was thor: 


138 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISRAEL’S MESSIANIC IDEALS 


oughly naturalized and underwent many transformations during the later 
periods of Jewish history. It was the type of faith which appealed strongly 
to that mysticism which is characteristic of the oriental mind. It taught 
passivity rather than action. It probably appealed in the earliest times to the 
dreamers and pietists of ancient Israel, as it did to the Essenes and, to a great 
extent, to the Pharisees of the Roman period. 

The third type may be designated as ethical, spiritual, and universalistic. 
The goal of its hope was an ideal state, in which king and people should be gov- 
erned in all their thoughts and acts by the principles of love and service. It 
was to be a kingdom in which the revealed will of Jehovah should be fully 
recognized and realized. It anticipated no fundamental change in the po- 
litical order, but a far deeper transformation in the wills and the minds of men. 
It anticipated no miracle except that which comes when men yield their wills 
to the divine will. Its exponents, Israel’s true prophets, taught that its con- 
summation should come, not in some far-distant day, but the moment that 
Jehovah’s people should respond to his just demands. As in time their vision 
broadened, they also conceived of Jehovah’s rule as becoming universal, with 
no distinctions of race or faith; and they taught that this final consummation 
would come simply through the faithful, unselfish service of Jehovah’s prophet- 
nation. 

Apparently from the very beginning of Israel’s history these three distinct 
types of messianic hopes were present. It is clear that Moses stood as the ex- 
ponent of the ethical, prophetic type which sought to realize Jehovah’s pur- 
poses in the present and in the life of the individual. The primitive injunc- 
tions, which the earliest traditions attribute to Moses, bear witness to this fact. 
It is, however, the first type of the messianic hope which finds expression in 
Israel’s poetry, as, for example, the song of Deborah and especially the so- 
called “‘ Blessing of Jacob” (Gen. 49) and the oracles of Balaam, which come 
from the days of the united kingdom. They voice the exultation over victories 
secured, and the belief that these are but an earnest of the still more glori- 
ous conquests in store for Jehovah’s chosen people and their king. ‘The 
same belief is expressed in the form of a promise to David and to his descend- 
ants. The conditional form, however, in which it is cast implies that it comes 
from the days of the divided kingdom, when the Assyrian and Babylonian 
war-clouds had already begun to overshadow Israel’s horizon. 

From the sermons of Amos, Isaiah, and Zephaniah, it is clear that, in their 


day, the apocalyptic or catastrophic type of messianic hope already occupied a $ 


Jarge place in the popular mind. Against this misleading faith, which was 
lacking in ethical content, and inculcated a spirit of passivity, these, the true 
prophets, earnestly set their faces. ‘True, they retained the popular watch- 
word, the Day of Jehovah, but they plainly declared that this was not to be a 
day of victory and glorious vindication for Jehovah’s chosen people, but a day 
of well-deserved judgment and humiliation. They also taught that that day 
was not to come in a moment, nor through miraculous means, but through 
the agency of the Assyrian conquerors, who were already advancing toward 
the kingdoms of Israel and Judah. They also taught that this divine judg- 
ment was but a means to an end, and that end was to lead Jehovah’s people 


139 


Earliest 
messi- 
anic 
hopes 


Eze- 
kiel’s 
predic- 
tions of 
a glori- 
ous na- 
tional 
restora- 
tion 


Hopes 
of a - 
liver- 
ance 
through 
a Da- 
vidic 
prince 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


to do, as well as to know, what was the divine will. Later editors have sup- 
plemented the sermons of these great pre-exilic prophets by passages which 
voice both the first and the second type of messianic hope. But the evidence 
of the undisputed passages leaves little doubt that the prophets themselves 
had no sympathy with these lower, material phases of the messianic ideal. 
They believed and consistently taught that there was but one supreme King, 
and that was Jehovah; that victory came, not by the sword or the hand of 
men, but in accordance with the divine purpose, and that the ultimate goal 
was not a kingdom with bounds extending to the end of the then-known 
world, but the rule of God, supreme in the hearts of men. 

The destruction of Jerusalem, and the mighty transformations which came 
into the life of the Jews as a result of that event, exerted a powerful influence 
upon the development of Israel’s messianic ideals. Ezekiel, the great prophet 
of the exile, represents so nearly the popular point of view that it is now pos- 
sible to follow this development with definite assurance. His predictions re- 
garding the future are an interesting blending of the kingly and the apoca- 
lyptic types of the messianic hope. ‘The first problem was whether the nation 
should be restored to its former home in Palestine. ‘To this question he ane 
swered, Yes, in the strongest possible terms. In its behalf Jehovah woulf 
perform a great miracle. Not only should the dead nation be raised again t 
life, but Jehovah, like a shepherd, would gather his scattered flock and restore 
them to their homes. In time also he would gather all their heathen foes and 
completely overthrow them. In Ezekiel the apocalyptic type of messianic 
hope found its first great prophetic exponent. 

Ezekiel also declared that Israel and Judah would again be united under a 
Davidic prince, who should rule over his people forever. It is true that, in the 
prophet’s later portrait of the restored temple and community (40-48) the 
Davidic prince is assigned a very secondary part, but Ezekiel apparently first 
voiced the hope, which is reiterated in ever stronger terms in the anonymous 
prophecies which come from out the gloom of the Babylonian exile. They all 
bear the imprint of that great catastrophe, and they doubtless each contributed 
fuel to that flame of patriotic hope which burned so fiercely in the minds of 
Haggai and Zechariah, and those who with them rebuilt the second temple. 
The restoration of the Davidic house seemed to the Jewish patriots of this 
period absolutely indispensable to the realization of their nation’s destiny. 
The liberation of Jehoiachin, 561 B.c., and the presence of descendants of the 
Davidic reigning house encouraged the people in this hope. Even as in the 
hour of their humiliation and oppression at the hands of the Philistines, 
David had come forth to lead his discouraged people to freedom and con- 
quest, so the unknown author of the little prophecy in Micah 5” * declares 
that another descendant of the same illustrious family shall rise and build up a 
kingdom, which shall extend to the ends of the earth. 

The horrors of Assyrian and Babylonian conquest, the selfishness, and 
fatal mistakes and cowardice of the later kings of Judah, and the pain and hu- 
miliations of the exile, as well as the noble social and ethical ideals of the great 
pre-exilic prophets, lie back of the famous messianic passages found in Isaiah 


9*7 and 11""°. Here, also, the higher kingly ideal established by Josiah is 
140 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISRAEL’S MESSIANIC IDEALS 


blended in these wonderful portraits of a ruler who shall come from the de- 
posed dynasty of David, and who shall not only establish a world-wide do- 
minion, but who shall rule in the spirit of justice and God-given wisdom, 
and who shall bring to his subjects and to all mankind that peace and pros- 
perity and happiness which for countless ages has been the dream and hope 
of suffering humanity. In these passages the type of kingly, messianic 
prophecy attained to its noblest expression and became a permanent ideal for 
all who rule their fellow-men. 

The prophecies of Haggai and Zechariah record the culmination and the 
sudden extinction of the kingly Davidic type of messianic hope. The imme- 
diate background was the seeming collapse of the Persian kingdom, and the 
promise which this event gave of an opportunity for the Jews again to secure 
their freedom. ‘The hopes centred about the person of Zerubbabel, then 
governor of Judah and scion of the house of David. ‘These hopes were 
strengthened by the consciousness in the minds of the Judean community 
that, in rebuilding the temple, they were again winning Jehovah’s favor, and 
the belief that, with his presence in their midst, they were invincible. ‘The 
sermons of Haggai and Zechariah indicate clearly that these earnest proph- 
ets of the second temple firmly believed and taught that Zerubbabel would 
realize the popular hopes which still gathered about the house of David and 
that Jerusalem should speedily become the capital of a great and powerful 
kingdom. 

History is silent as to whether the crown, prepared at Zechariah’s suggestion, 
was ever placed on the head of Zerubbabel. ‘This silence, however, tells even 
more effectively than written words the story of disappointed hopes. The 
complete absence in the literature of the next few centuries of any reference 
to the Davidic hope is equally suggestive. Descendants of the house of 
David doubtless survived, but apparently not until the beginning of the 
Roman period, in the Psalms of Solomon, is this kingly Davidic hope revived. 

The effect of this tragic disillusionment upon the faithful patriots in the 
Judean community is recorded in the eighth chapter of Zechariah. ‘Their 
belief in Jehovah’s ultimate restoration of his people was unshaken. As their 
hopes in a Davidic deliverer were disappointed, they transferred them to Je- 
hovah, their Divine King. Henceforth in the literature of the next two or 
three centuries he figures more and more as the one who will gather and, in 
person, lead back his people. He it is who will give them victory over their 
cruel foes and vindicate and ultimately exalt them to a position of universal 
world-rulership. 

The majority of the messianic prophecies of this period are of the catas- 
trophic type. Jehovah, by some great signal deliverance, is to fulfil the 
hopes of his people. Sometimes he figures as the Divine Warrior, going out 
to meet the foes of his chosen people and executing vengeance upon the 
heathen. Sometimes he is the Divine Judge, assembling all nations before 
him, condemning the proud, arrogant sinners within the Judean community, 
as well as their heathen allies. ‘The hopes of this period are for the most part 
nationalistic. Jehovah’s kingdom is to be a material one, with its centre at 
Jerusalem. 


141 


The 
disillue 
sion- 
ment 


The ef< 
fect 


The 
mis- 
sionary 
ideal 


The 
ideal of 
service 


The | 
new in- 
terpre- 
tation 
of suf- 
fering 


Its im- 
mediate 
appli- 
cation 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


In certain of these prophecies, however, a new note appears. Zecharian 
voiced it in the prediction that many peoples and strong nations should come 
to seek Jehovah at Jerusalem. In the thought of these prophets the temple 
doors were at last opened to receive even the hated heathen who should come 
to them. It was the II Isaiah, the great prophet of the restoration, who first 
proclaimed Israel’s world-wide mission and formulated most fully and nobly 
the messianic purpose to be realized by his nation in the life of humanity. 
With him Israel’s messianic prophecy reached its zenith. While he echoed 
the current beliefs of his day that his nation should be restored, and fulfil its 
noble destiny, he declared that that restoration was not because of any pre- 
vious promises, nor because of the deserts of the nation, but because its services 
were absolutely essential, if the divine purpose, which had been gradually 
revealed through the ages, was to be fully realized. 

Taking the messianic ideal of the pre-exilic prophets, the II Isaiah inter- 
prets it into universal terms and makes it concrete by painting in immortal 
colors the portrait of Jehovah’s ideal servant. He taught that all the ex- 
periences of Israel’s past, its victories and its sufferings, had been but the train- 
ing of the servant nation. Recognizing the disappointments and humiliations 
and sufferings under which his nation was still crushed, he interpreted, with 
divinely given insight, the significance of sufferings, if it be but voluntarily and 
nobly borne. He proclaimed that Israel’s highest ideal was service—service 
not only for themselves but for their hated heathen foes. Clearly he showed 
them, in his portrait of the servant, how it is possible for them to transform 
the humiliation and suffering of which they were then the victims into potent 
factors in the salvation of mankind. 

From the days of Hosea the prophets had declared that Jehovah was ever 
eager and ready to save the penitent. Hence what was required to save men 
was simply to arouse in them a true appreciation of their own guilt and to turn 
them in contrition to God. ‘The voluntary, patient suffering of the innocent 
for the guilty was, and ever will be, the most powerful influence upon the 
minds and wills of the ignorant and unrepentant. The prophet also declared 
that victory should, in the end, come to those who were willing to make the 
great sacrifice and faithfully to serve Jehovah, even though they be despised by 
their own generation and suffer all that man’s hatred could heap upon them. 
In his portrait of the suffering servant of Jehovah, the great prophet of the 
restoration presents a fundamentally different ideal than that which had 
been held up before his race in the preceding ages. The Davidic prince 
with his conquering sword sinks, by contrast, into insignificance. The king- 
dom of the prophet’s vision is hemmed in by no racial barriers and its cen- 
tral victorious figure is neither a warrior nor a king, but a heroic sufferer 
destined to be crowned by later generations simply because he had proved 
himself a faithful servant of God and his fellow-men. 

It is evident, from the prophet’s sermons as a whole, that he was not 
merely describing what the distant future would bring forth, but appealing 
directly to the afHicted, scattered members of his race. Opening the eyes of 
the pious and humble ones in the Judean community to the divine signifi- 
cance of their loyalty and appealing to the exiles to leave behind the oppor- 


142 


THE DEVELOPMENT OF ISRAEL’S MESSIANIC IDEALS 


tunities and material luxuries of Babylon and Egypt, and to come back and 
share in the seemingly hopeless task of making Jerusalem indeed a city that 
would win for Jehovah the homage of all the world. 

Devoted patriots like Nehemiah in part realized this ideal of service, but 
for the great majority of the race it proved too high; the contrast was too 
great between its spiritual demands and the material and nationalistic hopes 
that for generations had filled their minds. Hence during the closing years 
of the Persian and the succeeding Greek period there were as many different 
currents of messianic hope as there were parties in Judaism. The psalmists 
who speak through Psalms 96-100 saw ever more clearly the outlines of the 
kingdom of God embracing all races and founded on the eternal principles 
of justice, mercy, and good-will toward men; but the patriots who rallied 
about Judas and the other Maccabean leaders apparently still clung to the 
old hope of a world-judgment, in which all those who did not pay homage to 
Jehovah at his sanctuary should be mercilessly cut off (Zech. 14). 

As the theological teachers of later Judaism developed still further Ezekiel’s 
conception of Jehovah as a transcendent God, far removed from contact with 
earthly things, the intermediary angelic beings occupied an ever increasingly 
important place in their thought. The belief that Jehovah himself would come 
as a warrior to conquer and to judge their foes and to reign over them as king 
seemed inconsistent with their idea of the Deity. On the other hand, the old 
Davidic messianic hope did not satisfy. ‘The result was that there sprang up a 
belief in an angelic Messiah, not a man, but one like a son of man, who should 
come on the clouds and gather together the martyrs who had died and the 
faithful still living and thus establish the kingdom of the righteous on the 
earth (cf. Introd. to § 212). In the book of Daniel this angelic Messiah is 
identified with Israel’s guardian angel Michael. In the Similitudes of 
Enoch (Enoch 37-71) and IV Esdras the Son of Man is definitely identified 
with the Messiah. He is described as pre-existent, and the conception of his 
transcendent character and eternal rule is further developed. In these por- 
traits one recognizes the influence of the ancient Semitic beliefs which in this 
later age occupied a large place in the thought of Judaism. These later 
hopes are, on the whole, more exalted and spiritual than the early kingly mes- 
sianic ideals. ‘They rise from the temporal and material and national to the 
contemplation of that which is eternal and universal; they also hold up to 
mankind the hope of individual immortality, and yet they are far removed 
from the simple, ethical ideals of the pre-exilic prophets and of the IT Isaiah, 
who appealed to the wills and minds of men and who sought to realize in the 
life of their nation the principles of justice and mercy and of love to God and 
man. 

As the reverence for the written words grew, as it did rapidly in the later 
period, the Jewish teachers felt under compulsion to accept as authoritative 
all the various types of messianic prophecy which they found included in 
their Scriptures. The task which they attempted was impossible of achieve- 
ment. The result was inevitable and hopeless confusion. As a matter of 
fact different parties singled out different types of messianic prophecy to which 
to pin their faith. Under the grinding heel of Rome, the Zealots and many 


143 


Various 
types of 
later 
messi- 
anic 
hope 


Belief 
in the 
angelic 
Mes- 
siah 


Domi- 
nance 
of the 
apoca- 
lyptic 
type of 
hope 


Jesus’ 
atti- 
tude 
toward 
the 
messi- 
anic 
hopes 
of his 
race 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


of the common people naturally reverted to the old nationalistic and kingly 
messianic hopes. ‘They looked for a son of David who would free them 
from their oppressors and build up for the Jews a world-wide kingdom. 

The Pharisees and the Essenes apparently fixed their faith on the more 
transcendental, apocalyptic, and catastrophic type of messianic prophecy, 
and prayed ardently for the day when one like a son of man should appear 
on the clouds of heaven to inaugurate the reign of the saints. It would 
seem clear that the great majority of the nation had almost lost sight of the 
simple ethical ideals of the early prophets, and of the II Isaiah’s matchless por- 
trait of the suffering, yet victorious, servant of Jehovah. And yet in the light 
of history it was clear that the latter stood as Israel’s noblest ideal, in com- 
parison with which all else was but a misleading will-o’-the-wisp. 

The older sources imbedded in the Gospels of the New Testament tell with 
rare simplicity and beauty of how Jesus of Nazareth, God’s Anointed, grasped 
the eternal purpose and, as the Lover and Teacher of men, entered upon his 
divine task of saving the few whom he was able to touch directly, and through 
them all mankind. Accepting the teachings, the methods, and the aims of 
Israel’s noblest prophets and sages, he devoted himself wholly and completely 
to saving those who were lost. ‘The fanciful speculations and hopes which 
largely occupied the attention of the leaders of his race he put aside 
with the simple statement, The future no man knoweth. It was inevitable 
that later generations of Christians—the great majority of whom had been 
brought up at the feet of the rabbis—should associate with Jesus many of the 
ideals which seemed supremely vital to later Judaism. The actual Jesus of 
history, however, failed completely to satisfy the ideals of the Jewish 
leaders of his day. This failure confirms the testimony of the oldest 
Gospels that he himself rejected those ideals and went back to the simple 
eternal teachings of the true prophets. In realizing and more than realizing 
the lofty ideal of the suffering servant of Jehovah, in fulfilling—that is, bring- 
ing to fuller and more complete expression—the noblest teachings of the 
earlier law and prophets, and in revealing through his own life the very 
character and will of God himself, he became not only Israel’s true Messiah, 
but the universal Saviour of men. 


144 


Vill 


THE LITERARY FORM OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 
PROPHECIES 


Ir is a significant fact that all the writings of the pre-exilic and the majority 
of those of the exilic and the post-exilic prophets were originally uttered or 
written in poetic form. ‘Three explanations of this fact may be suggested. 
The first is that from earliest times the oracles of the seer and prophet were 


expressed in the form of poetry. ‘This tradition had undoubtedly been § 
firmly established long before the days of Amos. ‘The second reason is more 1! 
fundamental. Poetry alone was fitted to express that blending of exalted of 


thought and strong emotion which constituted the prophet’s message. 
Finally, the finished, attractive, poetic form in which the prophetic oracles 
were cast contributed greatly to their effectiveness in appealing to the intelli- 
gence and feeling of the people whom the prophet wished to influence. ‘The 
prophets were poets under the compulsion of the great truths that were 
struggling within them for utterance, but they were also poets by intention, 
as the careful development of their figures clearly indicates. 

The poetry of the prophets, like all Hebrew poetry, is characterized by two 
and sometimes three types of rhythm. ‘The first is parallelism, or rhythm of 
ideas—that is, the second line of each couplet repeats the same thought in 
similar or contrasting terms or else develops still further the idea presented in 
the first line. 'To the oriental ear repetition of thought was as pleasing as is 
rhyme to the occidental. This rhythm of ideas, which the Hebrews shared 
with most other ancient oriental peoples, is an invaluable aid in interpreting 
the prophetic writings, for, if the meaning of one line is not clear, it is usually 
illuminated by the other member of the couplet. 

Hebrew like English poetry is also characterized by symmetry in the num- 
ber of beats or accented syllables in each succeeding line. The three-beat 
measure was the one most commonly employed by the prophets. Poetry 
written in this measure was usually clear, straightforward, energetic, and 
rarely cumbersome or involved. The two-beat measure was used occasion- 
ally to express great excitement, as, for example, when the approach of an 
enemy was announced. The formal four-beat measure is also almost equally 
rare. It was apparently employed for variety or in formal argumentation. 
The most common measure, next to the three-beat, was the five-beat. Ordi- 
narily it consisted of a three-beat followed by a two-beat measure. It was used 
to express strong emotion, whether of sorrow, as the mourners wailed over the 
bier of the dead, or of joy and exultation, shot through with deep emotion, as 


145 


Char- 
acteris¢ 
tics of 
e- 
brew 
poetry: 
aral- 
elism 


Regu- 
lar 
meas- 
ured 
beats 


Stroph- 
ic 
rhythm 


Rhythm 
of 
words 


Poetic 
figures 


Brev- 
ity of 
state- 
ment 


The 
preser- 
vation 
of the 
pre-ex- 
ilic 
proph- 
ecies 


The ed- 
iting 
and re- 
vising 
of the 
pro- 
phetic 
writ- 
ings 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


when a prophet proclaimed the glorious future, which Jehovah, in his love. 
was preparing for his people. 

The third characteristic of Hebrew poetry, which appears occasionally in 
the writings of the prophets, was the rhythm of succeeding strophe. Often 
there is the same repeating or contrasting or expanding parallelism be- 
tween succeeding strophes, as between the succeeding lines in a couplet (cf., 
for a fuller treatment of the characteristics of Hebrew poetry, Vol. V, in loco). 

In addition to these fundamental characteristics of Hebrew poetry, many 
of the prophets rendered their messages still more effective by a careful use of 
onomatopoetic words, in which the Hebrew language is especially rich, so that 
every sound which reached the ear drove home the truths the prophets wished 
to teach. Alliteration, assonance, and even rhyme were sometimes employed. 

Their figures were also drawn from nature or else the familiar life of the 
people whom they addressed. Palestine, with its striking contrast, with its 
dashing storms and tempests, its hot siroccos, its snowy peaks, its borders of 
burning sands and roaring sea, with its varied fauna and flora, furnished rich 
materials for the use of the prophet-poets. Most of the prophets were also 
masters of the familiar figures, such as the metaphor, the simile, and metono- 
my; but their sermons are especially rich in the figures of feeling, such as the 
apostrophe, personification, interrogation, and exclamation. 

In the earlier prophets the reader is impressed by the remarkable brevity 
and compression which characterizes the prophetic addresses. ‘This char- 
acteristic was probably an inheritance from the ancient seer who cast his 
oracle in brief and often in epigrammatic form. A word, a simile, often 
simply an exclamation from the lips of these Hebrew prophets expresses more 
than would a dozen sentences in the mouth of a modern orator. 

The pre-exilic, in contrast to the post-exilic prophets, depended on the 
spoken rather than the written word. With them writing appears to have 
been only one of the many ways which they employed to convey their teach- 
ings. Itis a question whether Amos would have ever resorted to writing had 
he not been prevented from speaking to the people of Northern Israel. ‘The 
present form of Hosea’s and Isaiah’s writings indicate that they paid little 
attention to editing them. Doubtless hundreds of the sermons delivered by 
the pre-exilic prophets were never committed to writing. ‘Those which have 
been recorded are in most cases only fragmentary. It is not certain that these 
early prophets themselves wrote down their sermons. The one definite bit 
of testimony, that of Jeremiah 36, indicates that they were sometimes at least 
dictated to a scribe. In the case of Jeremiah this was done many years after 
they had been delivered. In all probability most of the pre-exilic prophetic 
writings owe their existence to the devotion of the faithful disciples of the 
prophets who, like Baruch, sought to preserve the writings of their masters. 

To the disciples of the prophets and to later editors is also probably due the 
present order of the pre-exilic writings. ‘he longer books, like Isaiah and 
Jeremiah, give evidence of repeated editing. ‘The profound regard for the 
sanctity of the written word, which characterized the later scribes, seems to 
have been unknown in the earlier period. Later prophetic editors felt per- 
fect liberty, and often under obligation to adapt the earlier oracles to the 


146 


LITERARY FORM OF THE OLD TESTAMENT PROPHECIES 


needs and point of view of their own age. Asa rule, the greater the authority 
of the prophet the more thorough the later revision of his original writings. 
A convincing illustration of this tendency is furnished by a comparison of the 
Greek and Hebrew versions of the book of Jeremiah. ‘The Hebrew is fully 
one-eighth longer than the Greek version. In a few instances the Greek text 
may represent an abridgment of the longer original, but in most cases the 
Hebrew has been clearly expanded by the additions of later scribes. 

Detailed comparisons of the texts of the same passage as, for example, 
Isaiah 2** and Micah 4" reveal, in practically every case where such dupli- 
cation occurs, variations, due to errors or else to the freedom with which the 
early scribes treated their text. This evidence, which is confirmed by many 
similar duplicates in the Psalms and other Old Testament writings, proves 
beyond a shadow of doubt, that many variations from the original have crept 
into our Hebrew text, and that one of the most important tasks of modern 
biblical scholarship is, with the aid of available guides, to restore as far as pos- 
sible this original text. At the same time it is even more essential that this 
restoration should not be done arbitrarily, but conservatively and in accord- 
ance with established principles. 

These variations from the original text assume many different forms, ac- 
cording to the causes which gave rise to them. Many are due simply to the 
errors of copyists. Sometimes a word or clause is repeated; sometimes the eye 
of the scribe passed to a similar word occurring later in the sentence, with the 
result that the intervening words were left out or else introduced at another 
place in the text; sometimes the scribe mistook similar Hebrew words or di- 
vided the letters differently from the original. In some cases the original 
copy was obliterated; in other cases the errors are due to the attempt of the 
scribes to restore a broken or confused text. In their eagerness to preserve all 
the writings of a prophet, later scribes often incorporated marginal notes left 
by some earlier copyist. Frequently, when an unfamiliar Hebrew word was 
used, a scribe has added, in the text, its better-known equivalent. Often 
explanatory notes are incorporated in the text in order to make the meaning 
clear. In other cases the text is expanded by the repetition of words and 
phrases suggested by the context. Many of the variations between the He- 
brew and Greek texts of Jeremiah are due to this tendency. One of the chief 
tendencies which gave rise to later additions was, as has already been noted, a 
desire to adjust, for example, a prophecy of denunciation and destruction to 
the needs of a later and more hopeful age. Much of the present book of Isaiah 
consists of additions of this type which clearly reflect the exilic and post- 
exilic point of view. Nota little of the obscurity and consequent neglect and 
misunderstanding of the prophetic books is due to these causes. 

It would seem that most of the pre-exilic books passed through at least five 
different stages in their literary history. The first was the fuller verbal form, 
in which the prophecy was first delivered. ‘The second was its literary form, 
as recorded by the prophet or his amanuensis. The third stage was its revi- 
sion by later prophets to adapt it to the point of view of their age. Inthe 
fourth stage it was supplemented by minor scribal notes. The last stage, 
which really began when the prophecy was committed to writing, represents 


147 


Later 
errors 
and ad 
ditions 


scribal 
errors 


Liter- 
ary his< 
tory of 
the 
pro- 
hetic 
ooks 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


the transformations due to the errors of copyists. Some of the earlier pro- 

phetic writings were subject to this later influence for fully a thousand years 

before the work of the Massoretic editors insured a reasonably stable text. 
Evi- Each textual problem must be considered by itself, and yet there are certain 
dences general guides which aid in distinguishing between that which is primary and 
riations that which is secondary. Among the more important evidences of additions 


arate to the original text are: (1) variations from the prophet’s characteristic vo- 
tions cabulary and literary style; (2) words or clauses which interrupt the logical 
sequence or else are very loosely connected with the context; (3) words 
which destroy the regular metrical structure of the verse; (4) wide variations 
in thought and teaching from those contained in the sections unquestionably 
genuine; (5) allusions to the events of an age subsequent to that of the original 
prophet; (6) reflections of the ideas and interests of a later age; and (7) 
obvious products of the scribal tendency to repeat, expand, or explain words or 
phrases found in the original text. Followed with care and sanity, these in- 
dices point the way to a translation which is certainly far nearer the original 
than those based simply on the traditional Hebrew text in its present corrupt 
form. 
History As arule, the titles of the different prophecies come from the hands of later 
of the scribes. The prophets and their contemporaries knew well who was the au- 
wae su- thor of a given prophecy and therefore there was no need of a superscription. 
scrip- It was not until the name of a prophet was beginning to be forgotten that the 
tons demand for titles and superscriptions arose. Jeremiah and Ezekiel were the 
first prophets who began to date their individual prophecies. In the earlier 
days questions of authorship and date were evidently regarded as of little im- 
portance, as long as the prophet’s message was imparted to his people. ‘The 
result is that the few meagre titles which have been preserved aid little in de- 
termining the dates of the pre-exilic prophetic writings. As in the case of 
many other Old Testament books, the student is dependent almost entirely, 
in determining the date, upon internal evidence, that is, upon the character- 
istics of literary style, upon allusions to historical events, and upon the type of 
thought and theological belief presented in each writing. While the testi- 
mony of internal evidence is not always decisive, it is absolutely trustworthy, 
for it is the testimony of the prophetic writers themselves. 
Con- The prophecies of Amos, the oldest prophetic addresses preserved in the 
Mage Old ‘Testament, are not the crude products of a primitive stage, but are among 
Book of the noblest examples of the prophet’s literary skill. The book itself falls 
naturally into three general divisions. ‘The first, chapters 1 and 2, is the in- 
troduction and contains a group of brief oracles of judgment directed first 
against Israel’s hereditary foes, and then culminating in a grim, relentless 
oracle against Northern Israel itself. The second division, including chap- 
ters 3-6, is the main body of the book. It is in the form of a judicial charge 
against the different guilty classes in the nation. ‘These charges are supple- 
mented by arguments, exhortations, lamentations, and warnings. A clear- 
cut logic characterizes each section, but the prophet frequently reverts to an 
earlier theme in order to develop it more thoroughly, so that the division as a 
whole contains a series of cycles of woe, condemnation, anddoom. The third 


148 


LITERARY FORM OF THE OLD TESTAMENT PROPHECIES 


division, 7-9, consists of visions, in which, by means of graphic pictures, the 
same messages of judgment and warning are effectively reiterated and illus- 
trated. 

Amos’s literary style is calm, judicial, logical, and supremely forceful. His 
figures are exceedingly varied, and are drawn, for the most part, from the 
shepherd life with which he and his hearers were most familiar. While he 
uses these figures freely, there is a marvellous concreteness and vividness in his 
utterance which left no doubt in the minds of his audience as to whom they 
were addressed and what the prophet wished to say. The whole is trans- 
fused with strong emotion, which is the outgrowth of Amos’s own personal 
feeling and experience. 

The sermons of Hosea fall, naturally, into two general divisions. The 
first, 1-3, contains the prophet’s earlier addresses, which were based on his 
own tragic private experience. The second, 4-14, consists of extracts from 
different sermons, probably delivered after the death of Jereboam II in 740, 
and before Tiglath-pileser IV invaded Northern Israel in 735 B.c. Im- 
passioned denunciation and exhortation take the place of the calmer judicial 
arraignments found in the book of Amos. The language is that of the heart 
and feelings rather than of the logical mind. In originality and boldness of 
figure they are surpassed by no other prophetic writings. Exclamation, 
apostrophe, and interrogation are employed with great effectiveness, but the 
style is often obscure because it lacks logical unity and depends for expression 
largely on gesture and intonation and the deeper currents of feeling, which in- 
evitably escape the modern reader. 

Hosea’s contemporary, the young Isaiah of Jerusalem, was the recognized 
prince of prophetic orators. The rich storehouse of illustration inherited 
from Israel’s past was at his ready command. He was in touch with every 
side of his nation’s life. Supreme crises spurred him on to heroic diction. He 
also spoke with an assurance, which was in part the product of his birth and 
training. He blends the literary strength of Amos and Hosea, for he has the 
judicial logic of the former and much of the feeling of the latter. His sentences 
are like sledge-hammer blows, struck with precision and in rapid succession, 
breaking down before him all opposition. 

Unfortunately the prophecies of Isaiah are not arranged, at present, in 
chronological order. The book has evidently been frequently edited and sup- 
plemented. This repeated re-editing is one of the many testimonials of the 
esteem with which the prophet was regarded by later generations. Not only 
were the writings of the II Isaiah (40-66) added, but also shorter appendices 
after every important division. The result is that the book is more than twice 
as large as when it came from the prophet. 

Isaiah’s original prophecies are found in the first thirty-nine chapters. 
These fall naturally into eight or nine divisions. The general introduction, 
chapter 1, is followed by a group of social sermons, 2-5, to which also belongs 
9°-10*. These represent the first period of Isaiah’s activity, from 740-735 B.c. 
The second stage of Isaiah’s work, which was in connection with the crisis of 
734 B.c., is recorded in 7 and 8. These chapters are introduced by an account 
of the prophet’s call, in 6, and are supplemented by the messianic prophecies 


149 


Amos’s 
literary 
style 


Hosea’s 
ser- 
mons 


Strength 
of 


Isaiah’s 
diction 


History 
of the 
book of 
Isaiah 


Its cone 
tents 


Micah’s 
proph- 
ecies 


Proph- 
ecy of 
Nahum 


Zeph- 
aniah’s 
note of 
warn- 
ing 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


in 9-7, 11, 12. The next group contains a collection of foreign prophecies, 
13-23, of various dates. Some of these are from Isaiah, but the majority are, 
apparently, from otherwise unknown later prophets. Chapters 24-27 are a 
very late apocalypse, describing Jehovah’s final judgment of the world. 
The original sermons in 28-31 were delivered in connection with the crisis of 
701 n.c. Chapters 34, 35 contain another post-exilic apocalypse. The histori- 
cal chapters, 36, 37, tell of Isaiah’s work in the fourth and last great period of 
his activity, while 38 and 39 record certain events preceding the invasion of 
Sennacherib in 701 B.c. 

Isaiah’s younger colleague Micah had the direct, resistless style of Amos. 
With all the strength of his vigorous invective he attacked certain definite 
evils in Judah. His original addresses are found in chapters 1-3. To these 
later editors have appended, in 4 and 5, strongly contrasting predictions re- 
garding the future deliverance and glory of Jerusalem. Evidently these 
chapters were written after the Babylonian exile. ‘The third division of the 
book, 6'-7°, is in the same direct, forceful style as the opening chapters and 
deals with the evils which flourished.in Israel’s early history. ‘The closing 
section, chapters 7°*°, like many of the psalms of the Psalter, reflects the trials 
and hopes of the post-exilic Judean community. 

The little prophecy of Nahum has all the vigor and strenuousness which 
characterized the prophets of the Assyrian period. It deals with but one 
theme, the coming fall of Nineveh, but the first chapter has evidently been 
supplemented by extracts from an alphabetical psalm describing Jehovah’s 
avenging might. ‘The original prophecy portrays in most vivid imagery the 
advance of Nineveh’s foes and the resulting terror and confusion within the 
city. It concludes with the songs of rejoicing which will be sung over the 
city’s downfall by the nations which, like Judah, had experienced the untold 
horrors of Assyrian conquest. 

The brief prophecy of Zephaniah is a clarion cry of warning and a call to 
reform. In its five-beat, measured stanzas the reader feels the terror inspired 
by the advance of the dread Scythians and the greater horror which the true 
prophets felt as they contemplated the heathen practices which had been in- 
troduced into Judah during the reign of Manasseh. ‘Through the prophet’s 
eyes one may, in imagination, follow the devastating advance of the dread in- 
vaders and, at the same time, see in these events the vindication of Jehovah’s 
justice and the working out of his eternal, benign purpose. 

The prophecy falls into four divisions. ‘The first chapter describes Je- 
hovah’s day of judgment upon Judah; the second, its effect upon Judah’s 
powerful neighbors. The third division, 3’, analyzes the crimes of the dif- 
ferent classes in Jerusalem; while the last division, 3°, contains a post- 
exilic supplement abounding in promises of national restoration and glory. 

The book of Jeremiah is the most complex of all the Old Testament prophe- 
cies. Many of the sermons which it contains have evidently passed through 
repeated revisions. It consists, in its present form, of different collections of 
Jeremian literature which were once distinct. It includes not only the 
prophet’s original sermons, but traditions regarding his preaching and many 
narratives regarding his personal experiences, In some cases the original 


150 


LITERARY FORM OF THE OLD TESTAMENT PROPHECIES 


sermon and the popular tradition regarding it have been preserved. The 
same common proper names are differently spelled in different parts of the 
book, clearly revealing the work of various narrators and editors. ‘The result 
is that the present book of Jeremiah is not only a collection of the prophet’s 
original sermons, but is also a biography recording the memories and impres- 
sions of the prophet, as they were recalled by Baruch and later writers who 
held in ever-increasing esteem the authority and character of the great prophet. 

In its final form the book of Jeremiah may be divided into nine general di- 
visions. ‘The first, 1-17, contains the prophet’s early reform sermons. ‘They 
are supplemented by his personal prayers and complaints because of the per- 
secutions which he suffered at the hands of his countrymen. In this section 
there is evidence of a definite attempt to arrange the subject-matter in chrono- 
logical order. Here are found the extracts from the earlier sermons which, 
according to chapter 36, were collected by the prophet himself in the year 605— 
604 B.c. The second division includes chapters 18-20. It contains narra- 
tives concerning Jeremiah’s preaching and persecution during the days of 
Jehoiakim. The third division, 21-24, is a collection of prophecies, drawn 
from different periods of Jeremiah’s activity, which deal with the mistakes 
and crimes of Judah’s rulers. ‘These sermons are arranged in approximately 
chronological order. In the Greek version chapter 25 introduces the group 
of foreign prophecies now found in 46-51. The fifth group (26-29) record 
Jeremiah’s relations with the false prophets and his predictions concerning 
them. In 30-33 is found a little group of messianic prophecies which per- 
haps formed the conclusion to an exilic edition of Jeremiah’s book. The 
seventh group, 34'—40°, is another collection of biographical narratives. Here 
the chronological order is entirely disregarded. Chapters 40’—44"* recorded 
Jeremiah’s experiences with the Jews who survived the fall of Jerusalem and 
who ultimately found refuge in Egypt. ‘To this has been appended 45, which 
is a brief oracle regarding Baruch. The ninth and last division, chapter 52, 
is an historic appendix telling of the final destruction of Jerusalem. 

The present book of Jeremiah, especially in the Hebrew form with its 
many cumbersome repetitions, gives the reader a false impression of Jeremiah’s 
literary style, for many of these chapters are but the fragmentary traditions 
regarding what he actually said. Fortunately the earlier sections contain ex- 
tracts from many of his original sermons. ‘These reveal an exceedingly fin- 
ished, well-rounded style, abounding in strong and varied figures and imbued 
with a wealth of powerful emotion. Jeremiah, like Hosea, spoke in the lan- 
guage of the heart rather than that of the head. His arraignment of the sins 
of his people lacks the uncompromising judicial harshness of his colleague 
Zephaniah. Repeatedly he breaks forth into lamentations over the crimes of 
his people, or else voices, with supreme tenderness and yearning, Jehovah’s 
love for them and his eagerness to forgive if they will but repent. In prac- 
tically every address Jeremiah appears to have used the impassioned five-beat 
measure, which was superlatively well adapted to his theme and spirit. 

The contrast between the literary style of Jeremiah and Ezekiel is world- 
wide. ‘The one was a poet by nature and his thoughts found spontaneous ex- 
pression in the language of the emotions. The other was judicial in his con- 


151 


Jere- 
miah’s 
literary 
style 


Eze- 
kiel’s 
style 


Con- 
tents of 
h 


the 
book of 
Ezekiel 


Liter- 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


creteness and precision. The result is that his style is at times verbose and 
repetitious. He was not lacking in imagination, but it was of the mechanical, 
formal, symbolic type. Sometimes he broke forth into poetry, and there is a 
constant suggestion of poetic parallelism running through his sermons; but for 
the most part he wrote in carefully elaborated prose. 

Ezekiel was also the first Old Testament prophet to use the apocalyptic 
style. By the apocalyptic style is meant the use of symbols, usually drawn 
from the natural world, as a medium for presenting prophetic truth. Ordi- 
narily it deals with the future rather than with the past or present. Its pri- 
mary aim was to conceal and at the same time reveal truth, so that only those 
for whom it was written could appreciate its meaning. It was also intended 
to arouse the curiosity and to fix in the mind of the reader the truth thus pre- 
sented. Although the apocalypse became a characteristic type of Israel’s 
later prophecy, its beginning may be traced back to the days of David in 
the so-called oracles of Balaam, where the ancient seer is pictured as saying, 
regarding Israel: 


I see him, but not now; 

I behold him, but not near; 

A star comes forth out of Jacob, 

And a sceptre arises out of Israel, 

And shatters the temples of Moab, 

And the skull of all the sons of Seth (Num. 24”). 


Ordinarily the apocalyptic type of literature was developed in a period of 
persecution, such as the Babylonian exile and the later crises in the history of 
Judaism. It is far removed from the straightforward direct address of the pre- 
exilic prophets. Although the apocalypse proper is cast in the form of a dream 
or vision, it appears to have always been the product of careful elaboration. 

The book of Ezekiel includes four general divisions. Chapters 1-24, with 
the exception of 19, were apparently all written before the fall of Jerusalem 
and deal with the problems of the Judean state under Zedekiah. ‘The second 
group, 25-32, consists of prophecies regarding foreign nations. ‘The third 
division, 33-39, to which should be added 19, was written after the final fail of 
Jerusalem and is concerned with the problems of the exiles. ‘The fourth di- 
vision, 40-48, contains Ezekiel’s programme for the restored temple and 
Jewish community. His writings have been carefully edited, probably by the 
prophet himself, and are in the main in chronological order. 

The brief prophecy of Haggai the layman, like its author, is plain, direct, 
and matter-of-fact. It is a blending of prose and poetry although, on the 
whole, the prose element predominates. ‘The same is true of the literary style 
of Haggai’s colleague Zechariah. ‘The teachings of this priest-prophet, found 
in the first six chapters of his prophecy, consist for the most part of visions 
regarding the future of the Judean community. Apparently he used this 
apocalyptic style of teaching, that he might, in impressive form, convey his 
teachings to his hearers and at the same time escape the charge of rebellion 
against Persian rule. ‘This style is abandoned, however, in chapters 7 and 8, 
which contain earnest addresses, full of counsel and encouragement, to his dis- 


152 


LITERARY FORM OF THE OLD TESTAMENT PROPHECIES 


couraged countrymen. In 8, as well as in 4, the prophet also rises to noble 
and inspiring poetic expression. As has already been noted (p. 36), the last 
division of the book of Zechariah is an appendix regarding the overthrow of 
the heathen and the establishment of Jehovah’s kingdom, which comes from 
a much later period. 

The crowning literary product of the Old Testament prophets is the mar- 
vellous collection of poems found in Isaiah 40-66. Here nobility of theme, 
breadth of outlook, wealth of figure, and strong emotion are marvellously 


blended. The prophet’s literary kinship, however, is with the later rather II 


than with the earlier prophets. In the opening prophecies his vision is fixed 
on the universe as a whole rather than on the specific problems of little Judah. 
Although concealed by his inimitable style, there is, in his prophecies, a large 
element of repetition and his ideas are developed with an elaborateness very 
different, and yet comparable to that which characterizes Ezekiel’s writings. 

The poems found in Isaiah 40-66 are not a closely connected unit. They 
are rather a collection of songs, written probably on different occasions. ‘The 
same themes frequently recur, and yet from beginning to end there is distinct 
progress, a progress that suggests a development in the prophet’s own ex- 
perience from the buoyancy and optimism of youth to that increased knowl- 
edge of specific facts and closer contact with conditions in the Judean com- 
munity which came with maturer years. Ordinarily these chapters are di- 
vided at the end of 55, and the latter half is attributed to still another prophet, 
conventionally designated as the Trito or III Isaiah. As has already been 
noted, and will be illustrated further in connection with the detailed prophe- 
cies, the grounds urged for this separation are far from convincing. On the 
other hand, the same exuberant poetic style, the same words and idioms, the 
same peculiar ideas and ideals characterize these twenty-seven chapters from 
beginning to end. Even the advocates of a III Isaiah admit that he is a close 
imitator—little more than a shadow—of the II Isaiah. Recognizing the dif- 
ferences in theme between the various parts of Isaiah 40-66, and granting that 
they represent a prophet’s life-work, the reasons for separating these chapters, 
which are bound together so closely, almost, if not wholly, disappear. ‘They 
fall naturally, according to theme, into two parts; chapters 40-55 and 60-62 
deal with the destiny of the chosen people; while 56-59, 63-66 are messages 
of exhortation and denunciation addressed to the Judean community. 

Three other short books come from the second part of the Persian period. 


One is the brief book of Obadiah, a forceful proclamation of the doom that has 65 


already overtaken Israel’s ancient foes the Edomites. Its impassioned 
stanzas reflect the hostility which had grown only deeper and more deadly as a 
result of centuries of cruel warfare. It also voices the popular hope that at 
last Jehovah was about to vindicate his people by overthrowing their ancient 
foes of whom the Edomites were the types. 


The author of the book of Malachi writes in poetry but he lacks the vigor Th 
and finished literary style of his immediate predecessors. His themes, the y 


disregard of the temple ritual and the petty crimes of the ruling classes, were 
not calculated to inspire exalted utterance. An earnest and hopeful spirit, 
however, is revealed in these four short chapters. 


153 


Liter- 
ary 
charac-~ 
teristics 
of the 


Isaiah 


Unity 
f 


o 
Isaiah 
40-66 


The 
book of 
a- 


diah 


e 
book of 
ala- 


chi 


Tibe 
proph 
ecy of 
Joel 


The 


stories 


fe) 
Jonah 
and 
Daniel 


Lit- 
erary 
charac- 
teris- 
tics of 
Daniel 
7-12 


Their 
eon- 
tents 
and 
perma- 
nent 
value 


HISTORY OF THE PROPHETIC WRITINGS 


Joel, the closing prophet of the Persian period, is highly poetic in form and 
gives evidence of careful literary work. Like most of these post-exilic prophe- 
cies, it is full of echoes and quotations of earlier prophetic writings, and like all 
imitative poetry, it lacks the strength and conciseness of a more original ut- 
terance. The prophet portrays in lurid colors the coming day of Jehovah. 
The details are developed at length, and one is constantly impressed with the 
evidence of conscious effort, and misses those broad, simple, fresco strokes 
which characterized the wonderful pictures painted by Isaiah and his con- 
temporaries. 

In the brief book of Jonah the prophet throws aside the ancient oracle and 
goes back to the plain prose story, such as is found in the opening chapters of 
Genesis, in order to teach his great prophetic truths. In this respect he was 
but a forerunner of the author of the first six chapters of Daniel and the 
teachers of later Judaism, who used the parable and didactic story with great 
effectiveness. Notwithstanding the fact that it is simple prose, the story of 
Jonah is a remarkable example of concise dramatic narration and adaptation 
to the prophet’s purpose. ‘The same is true of the opening chapters of the 
book of Daniel. They lack, however, the conciseness of the story of Jonah. 
In their frequent though stately repetitions they show the influence of the 
ceremonial, priestly atmosphere in which they took form. 

In the last six chapters of the book of Daniel, the Old ‘Testament apocalypse 
reached its zenith. ‘They well illustrate the illusiveness and vagueness which 
characterize the pure apocalyptic style. ‘Their symbolism is cumbersome, 
though impressive, even as was the ceremonial ritual of the temple; for both 
were the product of the same dominant psychological tendency of the age. 
The fascination of these closing chapters of Daniel is the note of mystery which 
runs through them. ‘Through the eyes of Daniel the reader catches fugitive 
visions of that heavenly world which occupied such a large place in the thought 
of later Judaism. 

The prophet’s purpose in these chapters is to pierce the future and to de- 
termine what it holds in store. His real theme is the overthrow of the tyrant 
Antiochus Epiphanes and the establishment of Jehovah’s kingdom. 'The 
literary form which he employs is the vision. Chapter 9 represents an at- 
tempt to interpret, in the light of history, Jeremiah’s declaration that the 
exile should last but seventy years. Chapters 7, 8, 10-12 contain three paral- 
lel visions, which review the past history of the world, beginning with the 
Babylonian period and extending to the reign of Antiochus during which the 
prophet lived and wrote. Each succeeding vision, in the form of a prediction, 
traces the past history in greater detail and concludes with a picture of the 
overthrow of Antiochus and the speedy establishment of the kingdom of the 
saints of the Most High. The detailed analysis of the elements which have 
entered into these visions and the elaborate interpretation of their meaning 
indicate that, like the visions of Ezekiel and Zechariah, they are not the mere 
report of what was seen by the prophet in a trance, but carefully worked out 
literary products. Their permanent value is found not in the detailed pre- 
dictions, but in the broader principles which underlie them. ‘They teach the 
unity of all history and the presence of the divine hand at each stage in its de- 


154 


LITERARY FORM OF THE OLD TESTAMENT PROPHECIES 


velopment. ‘The doctrine that wrong and suffering and oppression are but 
for the moment, and that the ultimate vindication and establishment of Je- 
hovah’s just and universal rule are absolutely assured must be counted among 
Israel’s greatest contributions to the faith of mankind. ‘To this is added the 
confident belief in the immortality of the individual. ‘Thus in Israel’s later 
prophecies the old national bonds are broken, and the messages of the proph- 
ets look beyond this present life and become individual and universal. 


155 





THE HISTORY OF ISRAEDL’S LAWS AND 
LEGAL PRECEDENTS 


‘@ 





I 
THE BABYLONIAN BACKGROUND OF ISRAEL’S LAWS 


In the light of recent discoveries, the study of ancient law begins to- The 
day, not with the legal system of Israel, of Greece, or of Rome, but with (2%? 
that of early Babylonia. Long centuries before the days of Moses or ization 
Minos or Romulus, the peoples living between the lower waters of the cient 
Tigris and the Euphrates developed legal codes that deeply influenced all poety 
subsequent legislation. This early rise of law in ancient Babylonia is pri- 
marily traceable to the physical contour and position of the land itself. For 
countless generations beyond the dawn of history, the rich alluvial territory 
lying between the two great rivers attracted the nomadic peoples of every 
quarter of southwestern Asia. The soil of this coveted region could be re- 
claimed from the annual floods, and permanently held against the strong 
foes ever pressing in from the east and west, only by the most arduous toil 
of hand and head. While Nature early spurred the mixed, virile popula- 
tion of ancient Babylonia to develop a high type of civilization, she generously 
rewarded its persistent labor. In return for skilful cultivation the land 
furnished lavish harvests; for the development of the arts it also provided 
abundant facilities, not the least of which was the soft clay of the river- 
banks, a material early utilized for buildings, for military defences, and for 
literary records. 

Natural gate-ways opened in every direction for commerce. ‘The Tigris Why it 
and Euphrates with their tributaries penetrated far into the populous high- (3 
lands to the east and north of Babylonia. On the west, the Arameans and mercial 
Arabs, the great land traders, carried Babylonian wares to the Phcenicians, zation 
Egyptians, and southern Arabians, and in turn brought back the products 
of those other centres of ancient civilization. To the south, the Persian 
Gulf opened into the Indian Ocean and commanded the trade of Arabia and 
India. It is not strange, therefore, that Babylonia early developed a rich, 
dominantly commercial civilization, the influence of which radiated through- 
out the known world. 

This intense commercial activity explains why the art of writing and the Early 
making of law attained in Babylonia so high a stage of development; com- ppb 
merce demands for its development exact written records and the protection oflaw 
of just and well-defined laws. Hence, for more than a thousand years before art of 
the days of Moses, the Babylonians had so far perfected their system of ¥"™8 


writing that it was in as general use as writing was among the Greeks or 
159 


The re- 
cently 
is- 
covered 
Code of 
Ham- 
murabi 


Pur- 
pose of 
this 
code 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


Romans, or as it is to-day among most oriental peoples. The scribes con- 
stituted a large and important class in the community. Every important 
transaction was recorded in written contracts, usually duplicated to guard 
against injury to individual copies. All important judicial decisions were 
likewise recorded. Hundreds of thousands of these legal documents have 
already been discovered in the ruins of Babylonia and Assyria. Obviously, 
this remarkable command of the art of writing was of great service in the 
development of definite laws and legal codes. Among a primitive nomadic 
or agricultural people a few simple customs, at first transmitted orally from 
generation to generation, sufficed to meet the popular needs; but in a complex 
commercial civilization, a great variety of legal questions arose and were 
decided. It was the Babylonian custom to commit to writing all legal 
decisions; and these became the basis of an ever-growing body of written 
laws. 

The few popular traditions attributing to a certain god the origin of Baby- 
lonian law, throw no light upon its earliest beginnings. Its origin is far older 
than the most primitive history and literature of the human race. In the 
legal phrase-books of the later scribes chance has preserved to us seven so- 
called Sumerian laws; they are written in the archaic language of the very 
early, though highly civilized, people that occupied the southern part of the 
Tigris-Euphrates valley before it came under the sway of the Semites. ‘These 
laws were probably in existence in the fourth millennium B.c.; the origin of 
some of them doubtless goes thousands of years farther back. ‘The frag- 
ments which have been preserved treat of family relations; as, for example, 
If a son has said to his father, “You are not my father,” he may brand him, 
lay fetters upon him, and sell him (cf. for the others, Appendix II). The 
literary form and themes are the same as those of the later Babylonian and 
the early Old Testament laws. 

By far the most important code yet discovered comes from about 1900 B.c. 
It bears the name of the real founder of the Babylonian empire, already 
well known to scholars through his letters and historical inscriptions, the 
great Hammurabi. The laws are clearly inscribed in forty-four columns 
on an almost square block of black diorite. It was found by French excavators 
at Susa in December, 1901, and January, 1902. Five columns of the original 
inscription have been erased by the Elamite king who carried it off as spoil, 
probably from the temple of Shamash at Sippara where it was first set up. 
Three thousand six hundred lines, however, still remain. ‘These were ar- 
bitrarily divided into sections and numbered by the first translator, Professor 
V. Scheil of Paris, and this division into sections has been generally adopted 
for reference. 

In the remarkable epilogue which he appended, Hammurabi plainly states 
the motives that guided him as a ruler, and led him to prepare and set up this 
body of laws. He describes himself as the shepherd chosen by the gods 
to care for his people, to lead them into safe pastures, and to make them dwell 
in peace and security. That the great should not oppress the weak, to counsel 
the widow and orphan, to render judgment and to decide the decisions of the 
land, and to succor the injured, he wrote these noble words on his stele 


160 


THE BABYLONIAN BACKGROUND OF ISRAEL’S LAWS 


and placed them before his likeness. By the command of Shamash, the 
judge supreme of heaven and earth, that justice might shine in the land, 
he set up a bas-relief to preserve his likeness. At the head of the laws is 
an exceedingly suggestive picture representing Hammurabi receiving them 
from the seated sun-god Shamash. ‘The epilogue also adds: The oppressed 
who has a swt to prosecute may come to my image, that of a righteous king, 
and read my inscription and understand my precious words, and may my stele 
elucidate his case. Let him see the law he seeks, and may he draw his breath 
and say, “This Hammurabi was a ruler who was to his people like the father 
who begot them. He obeyed the order of Marduk his lord, he followed the com- 
mands of Marduk above and below. He delighted the heart of Marduk his 
lord, and granted happy life to his people forever.” Let him recite the document. 
These words betray a benign, God-fearing, paternal ruler, actuated by the 
principles that underlie all just legislation. 

The contents of the code confirm the implications of its epilogue. The Con- 
code consists entirely of civil laws dealing with specific legal questions that {7° 
were constantly arising in the empire over which Hammurabi ruled. Briefly general 
and clearly the given offence or case of dispute is stated; then the penalty acter 
or course of legal action is definitely outlined; as, for example, 17 a man has 
borne false witness in a trial, or has not established the statement that he has 
made, vf that case be a capital trial, the man shall be put to death. ‘The code 
was evidently prepared for the guidance of judges no less than for those 
seeking justice. The aim, apparently, was not to present every possible 
case, but, leaving the more unusual to be decided by the judge, to register 
the common and typical. Unlike most oriental literary products, the laws 
have been systematically classified. They are included under three great 
heads with subdivisions: I. Introduction on evidence and decisions; II. Prop- 
erty, (1) personal, (2) real, and (3) in trade; III. Persons, (1) the family, 

(2) injuries, (3) laborers and labor. Within the smaller groups of laws, those 
defining the rights and obligations of the patrician classes precede those 
relating to the plebeians and slaves. 

This entire collection of laws is properly called the Code of Hammurabv. Origin 

Under his personal direction it undoubtedly assumed its present form, and by rice 
him it was publicly promulgated and made the law of the empire. He states 
distinctly that he received it from the god Shamash. The meaning of this 
statement, however, must be interpreted in the light of the code itself. Some 
of the laws, doubtless, were first formulated by Hammurabi; to this class 
may well belong those which attempt to fix a uniform price for hire and 
labor; but it is certain that the code as a whole rests on far older foundations. 
Many of its laws are assumed to be already in existence, and not a few of its 
legal phrases are found in contracts dating long before the time of Hammurabi. 
Like the Indian Laws of Manu, or the Greek Gortyan Code, or the Roman 
Twelve Tables, the code is evidently a compilation incorporating many very 
early laws and customs. So comprehensive and so well adapted to the needs 
of Babylonia was the wonderful Code of Hammurabi that for more than 
fifteen hundred years it continued to be the fundamental law of the Baby- 
lonian and Assyrian empires. 


161 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


Its in- How far did this highly developed Semitic code influence the laws of the 

Sion Hebrews? ‘The fact that it was in force through a large part of southwestern 

hase s Asia for over a thousand years before the advent of the Hebrews, and that it 
bears striking analogy in theme, content, and form to many Old Testament 
laws, naturally prompts this query. ‘The question is one that concerns 
not the reality but the method of divine revelation; for that revelation is as 
broad as human life and history. ‘The vital consideration is whether the 
Infinite Judge made known the eternal principles of justice through the minds 
and life of the Babylonians as well as of the Hebrews? If so, the history of 
the origin and growth of Israelitish law begins in ancient Babylonia long 
before the days of Hammurabi; and the code of that truly noble ruler marks, 
like the Book of the Covenant (Ex. 21-23) and Deuteronomy, one of the 
great receptive epochs of divine revelation through human laws and institu- 
tions. 

Early ‘The final answer to this important question must, of course, be based on 

Baby 4 detailed and careful comparison of the codes as a whole, and of the individual 


lonian 
influ- Jaws; to approach the study a glance at some historical points of contact 


in. _ between Babylonian and Israelitish civilization must here suffice. It is 
Seta probable that out of the same peculiar nomadic life of north Arabia came 
the ancestors of the Hebrews and those of the Babylonian line of rulers to 
which Hammurabi belonged. A common Arabian origin may go far to ex- 
plain the many points of analogy between the two legal systems. In the 
oldest Babylonian inscriptions, far antedating the days of Hammurabi, 
the more ambitious rulers of the lower Tigris-Euphrates valley tell of 
conquests of theirs which extended to the eastern shore of the Mediter- 
ranean. Even during the periods when military prowess did not prepare 
the way, traders, bearing the civilization and thought and institutions of 
the East, carried on the peaceful but no less effectual conquest of Palestine. 
For three millenniums at least their conquests continued, until, as we 
know from contemporary chronology and the testimony of archeology, 
the pre-Hebraic civilization of Canaan reflected predominantly that of 
Babylonia. 
Later There can be no doubt that the Babylonian culture influenced the Israelites 
fontact through their own Semitic ancestors, and still more strongly through the 
ak it Canaanites; but there are two periods in their history when that influence 
lon and was overwhelming. ‘The first period was when the Assyrians, the heirs 
ree and conquerors of Babylon, held Palestine for nearly two centuries in their 
iron grasp; the second, when the new Babylonian empire under Nebuchad- 
rezzar conquered Judah and carried away to an exile under the shadow of 
the mistress of the East, the political, intellectual, and religious leaders of 
the Israelitish race. 
Nature ‘The intricate manner in which the history of these two peoples is con- 
Wi stantly interwoven is one of the most remarkable and significant facts of 
lonian antiquity. ‘That the younger and weaker was deeply influenced by the 
ence Older and stronger is patent; in the case of the specific laws, however, that 
influence, though marked, appears to have been indirect rather than direct. 
Gradually, probably unconsciously, assimilating that which they inherited 


162 


THE BABYLONIAN BACKGROUND OF ISRAEL’S LAWS 


from the Semitic past, the early Israelites, wrought upon by the Divine, 
developed their own peculiar institutions and laws; for, striking as are the 
external analogies with the laws of other ancient people, especially in cere- 
monial regulation, the majority of the Old Testament laws are informed by a 
spirit and purpose which have no ancient parallel. 


163 


Mean- 
ing o 
the 


Ii 
THE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF ISRAELITISH LAW 


In derivation and variety of meanings there is a wealth of suggestion in 
the term torah, the Hebrew word for law. It comes from a verb which means 


Hebrew to point out, to direct, and this in turn is probably to be traced back to an 


word 


for law earlier root signifying to cast or throw the sacred lot or arrows employed in 


of the 
priests 


early times to determine the divine will. The verb is thus used in Joshua 
18® to describe the casting of lots. Hence torah meant originally the decision 
obtained by the lot, and then it stood for the authoritative direction or decision 
that came from Jehovah and was made known to the people by his official 
representatives. 

Since Jehovah was represented in ancient Israel by several different classes 
of teachers, there were various kinds of torahs. One of the oldest and most 
significant was the torah or decision of a judge like Moses, which soon came 
to be recognized as a precedent to be followed when cases similar to that 
which called it forth arose (Ex. 181° 16 2°), The torah was sometimes the 
designation also of social and moral teachings (Is. 54), of political counsels 
(Is. 816, 20), and of religious doctrines (Is. 11°) of prophets like Isaiah. In the 
prophetic books it frequently denotes the teachings of the prophets as a whole 
(e. g., Jer. 619, 913, 1611, 264). And constantly the wise men or sages through- 
out their writing refer to their own characteristic teachings that were usually 
cast in the form of proverbs (e. g., Pr. 18, 3!, 4°, Job 2272) as the torah or 
instruction. In Psalm 78! a psalmist uses the same broad term to describe the 
didactic poem that follows. In all these passages the common idea is that 
the torah consists of a body of definite and authoritative directions or teach- 
ings coming ultimately from Jehovah himself. 

From statements like that in Jeremiah 1818, however, it is clear that the 
torah was early regarded as the especial contribution of the priest. The 
enemies of Jeremiah justify their attack upon him by asserting that the torah 
(or law) shall not perish from the priest, nor counsel from the wise, nor the 
word from the prophet (cf. also Ezek. 77°). In its earliest and limited sense 
the torah was the specific decision or direction given by the priest, and ascer- 
tained by him, usually in response to some definite question, by means of 
the oracle or lot or other accepted method of ascertaining the will of the Deity. 
Thus according to Malachi 2°, the torah of truth was in the mouth of the priest 

. and the people should seek the torah at his mouth. In Haggai 2! the 
people are commanded to ask a torah from the priests in regard to a certain 
ceremonial question. In the prophetic books charges are not infrequently 
brought against the priests because they have misused their authority as 
guardians of the torah (Mi. 3", Zeph. 34, Ezek. 2276, Mal. 289). From 


164 


THE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF ISRAELITISH LAW 


the earliest times the priests, since they were the guardians of the oracles and 
constituted an established religious class that could readily be found at the 
different local sanctuaries, were resorted to as arbiters and judges in cases 
civil as well as ceremonial. According to the later Deuteronomic codes 
the supreme court of appeal included both priests and laymen; and its decision 
on a specific question was still called the torah or direction (Dt. 17"). 

As in the case of the teachings of the prophets and sages, torah in like manner 
became in time the regular designation of a group of technical directions 
regarding some specific subject, as, for example, the torah of the burnt-offering, 
of the cereal-offering, or of the Nazirite (Lev. 6% 14, 25, 71, 11, 387, 1146, 197, 
1359, Nu. 579, 30). Primarily these rules appear to have been intended 
for the guidance of the laity rather than the priests. Soon, however, the torah 
or law was the name applied to a code of laws (as, for example, that found in 
Dt. 1°, 48> 44, 1718) 19, etc.), or appeared in the familiar phrase the torah or 
law of Moses, which described the collection of codes ascribed by later genera- 
tions to the first great leader of the Hebrew race (Josh. 17: 8, 831; 32, I Kgs. 23, 
II Kgs. 103!, 1713, 34, 218). In the later Old Testament books and in the 
New Testament, The Torah has become the prevailing designation of the 
combination of narrative, poetry, and Jaw found in the first five books of the 
Hebrew Bible (I Chr. 164°, IL Chr. 313, Ezra 37, Neh. 81). The legal torah 
in its broad application, therefore, included all the directions—civil, judicial, 
moral, ceremonial, or religious—that came from the lips or pens of priests 
or priestly scribes. 

As has been pointed out, when the early priest by the use of the oracle or 
sacred lot, or on his own authority as God’s representative, rendered the de- § 
cision, it was Jehovah’s torah. When this and kindred decisions became the 
precedents by which later judges were guided in deciding similar cases, they 
felt that they were simply applying Jehovah’s law. Priestly editors who 
recorded the customary laws that grew up on the basis of these precedents, 
or else expanded or modified the primitive customs in order to adapt them 
to new conditions, felt, as did Ezekiel (cf. Ezek. 40-48), that they were 
simply the agents of Jehovah. 

To be sure, the concrete, naive form in which they often expressed this 
fundamental belief cannot be interpreted with a blind literalness. ‘The 
declaration that Jehovah talked face to face with Moses or wrote with his 
finger on tablets of stone reflects the primitive, anthropomorphic conceptions 
of God which are so prominent in the story of the Garden of Eden and the 
earliest patriarchal narratives. But this is only the early graphic manner 
of stating the eternal fact that God communicated his truths directly to his 
prophets and people, and inscribed a knowledge of his law, not with his finger 
on perishable stone but by means of individual and national experiences, 
upon the imperishable consciousness of the Israelitish race. The process 
of revelation was indeed more natural and sublimely accordant with God’s 
methods of accomplishing his purpose than Israelitish tradition pictured it; 
and yet these concrete pictures impressed upon the minds of the early Hebrews 
the divine origin of the law much more clearly and vividly than a more exact 
and therefore more abstract statement of the fact would have done. 


165 


Later 
literary 
content 
of the 
term 


Torah 


Ori 
ofthe 
belief 
a the 
divine 
one 
of law 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


Pro- For the child now, as for the human race in its childhood, these concrete 
enture. pictures have a practical value, for they emphasize the essential truth that the 
of ine 2ucient laws embody the will and possess the authority of God himself. To 
revela- some mature minds, however, that picture language obscures the almost 
through equally important fact that the revelation of God’s will through the Old Testa- 
thelaw ment laws was progressive and adapted to the developing consciousness of 
the race. A torah was given only when demanded by human needs, and origi- 
nally it gave in each case specific directions to anticipate those immediate 
needs. ‘That the different laws and codes reflect the developing moral and 
religious consciousness of many different ages, the character of the laws 
and codes themselves is conclusive evidence. ‘The testimony of Israelitish 
history also confirms the conclusion that the ethical standards and laws 
varied greatly from generation to generation. Acts like the torture of enemies 
(II Sam. 8?: !%) or the sacrifice of human beings to appease Jehovah (IT Sam. 
211-6), which were regarded as entirely legitimate by David and his con- 
temporaries, were unsparingly condemned by an Amos (1*) !%) or a Micah 
(67,8). Jesus himself proclaimed the fundamental principle of religious evo- 
lution to be, First the blade, then the ear, and then the full corn in the ear. His 
statement, that he came to julfil the law, that is, to bring it to full and perfect 
expression, is equivalent to affirming that it represented a progressive unfold- 
ing not yet complete. Repeatedly he declared, Ye have heard that vt was said 
to them of olden time, but I say to you, and then proceeded to substitute for 
the ancient law a nobler command. 
Origin It was only very late Judaism that attributed all the Old Testament laws 
of te to one man and age. ‘There was a twofold reason for this; it was partly due 
tional to a mistaken worship of the authority of the past, a worship which failed to 
concep~ ° . ° . 
tionof realize that God’s revelation was progressive, leading upward rather than 
thelaw downward; and it was due partly to the tendency of later rabbis to recognize 
as authoritative only those books which were associated with the name of 
some early prophet or hero of the faith, such as Samuel or David or Solomon 
or Isaiah. The Old Testament itself, as is well known, does not directly 
attribute to Moses the literary authorship of even a majority of its laws; 
the passages that place them in his mouth belong to the later editorial 
framework of the legal books. 
Moses’  ‘T‘he oldest records of Moses’ work, and the history of the torah, suggest 
lation the great leader’s real relation to Israelitish legislation as a whole and justify 
to the the title, The Law of Moses, so often applied to that legal lore. As a prophet 
Testa- and leader he called the Israelitish race into being; and he it was who 
legisla- Juspired it with ideals, moral and religious, of which its later history and 
tion —_ institutions were but the realization. ‘There are good grounds for believing 
that the simple religious principles which he impressed upon his people were 
but the germinal ideas which, in the school of trying national experience, 
gradually unfolded into the torahs of the subsequent prophets and priests. 
His own age had no need of elaborate written codes. ‘To his followers in 
the desert the detailed laws which grew up about the later monarchy and 
temple would have been meaningless. Exodus 18!%-7 tells us that he gave 
the Israelites of his day what they needed; and the need was definite, detailed 


166 


THE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF ISRAELITISH LAW 


directions and decisions on questions of doubt or dispute as these questions 
arose. From morning until evening the people crowded about him to inquire 
the will of God; and like a Bedouin sheik or a priestly judge of later Israelitish 
history, he investigated each case and rendered a decision. As he thus de- 
cided which of two litigants was in the right, he also made known the statutes 
of God and his decisions, and thereby laid the foundation of later Israelitish 
law. As customary law gradually grew up on this concrete foundation, 
tradition naturally attributed its origin to Moses. When later scribes codified 
and committed to writing the constantly expanding body of oral laws, they 
also preserved the traditions of Mosaic origin. Even though they modified 
or supplemented the older laws in order to adapt them to new conditions and 
to embody the higher principles set forth by later prophets, they felt neither 
desire nor justification for altering the traditional title. The tendency, rather, 
of exilic and post-exilic Judaism was so to magnify and give graphic expres- 
sion to the ancient title that practically all of the Old Testament laws were 
made to come directly from the mouth of Moses. 

In the same dramatic manner are set forth the two great truths that The 
underlie the authority of Israel’s laws. The first truth is: back of the laws “Vine 
lie the work and teachings of the great prophets of Israel who proclaimed ity un- 
the exalted principles which the laws embody. The second truth is: back of ing 
the prophets, and speaking through them and the conscience of the Israelitish ; Israel . 
race, was Israel’s God. The various processes and stages whereby the different 
laws attained their final form may be traced in detail; but they are of minor 
importance compared with the supreme fact that Israel’s laws contain God’s 
directions, adapted at each point to the intelligence and needs of the race. 

The fact that many of Israel’s laws and institutions were inherited from The 
an older Semitic past does not affect the divineness of their origin; to receptive eieatlats 
souls, however limited their spiritual perspective, the infinite God has in all pee 
ages and to all races revealed truth as fast as they have been able to receive 
it. Hammurabi and most ancient lawgivers not only acknowledged but 
openly proclaimed their debt to the Divine. Israel received much from the 
past; but more than this, she developed unceasingly her own gift; her laws 
take on a wide human significance because they constantly incorporate the 
ampler principles enunciated by the nation’s inspired prophets. It is this 
new element, reflecting as it does a nobler conception of God, of duty to him 
and to fellow-men, that makes the Old Testament laws unique. 

We have referred to the part played by torah; there are still other Old Testa- Mean- 
ment legal terms equally suggestive of the processes by which Israel’s laws "Zp! ® 


mish- 
gradually grew. Muishpat, derived from the same root as the Hebrew word cou 
for judge, meant originally a judgment or a decision given in connection with ion 
a specific case. Like torah, however, it was soon used to designate the enact- 
ment or law which grew up on the basis of the original decision, and embodied 

its underlying principle. In this sense it is used in Exodus 21! and 24°, 

as a title to the body of specific laws found in 21!-22?7 (introduced in 
each case by when or ij) which anticipate certain crimes and prescribe definite 
penalties. At first it appears to have included only civil laws, as in Exodus 


and Numbers 27!! and 3574, but in time it was applied to ceremonial laws 
167 


Other 
He- 
brew 
syno- 
nyms 
for law 


Author- 
ities 
that 
ren- 
dered 
the 
original 
ecl- 
sions 
which 
shaped 
later 
laws 


Edi- 
torial 
work of 
the 
priests 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


as well (e. g., Lev. 184 5 26, 197). In the historical books it is sometimes 
used in the sense of custom, suggesting the intermediate stage between a verbal 
decision and a fixed law. 

The other synonyms for law are comparatively late. Commandment is 
a characteristic term in the Deuteronomic legislation. It emphasizes the 
divine authority back of the given law (e. g., Dt. 47: 49, 529» 31). Testimonies 
(édwoéth, édoth) is another Deuteronomic term (Dt. 44°, 617) 2°), especially 
applied to moral and religious enactments solemnly proclaimed and attested 
by Jehovah. Precepts (pekkudim) is found only in the Psalms (note especially 
Ps. 119). Statute, from a root meaning to iscribe or engrave, suggests a 
period when writing on stone was well known. ‘This term recalls the divine 
command to Isaiah (Is. 8!) to write the essence of his prophecy on a tablet 
and set it up before the eyes of the people. ‘The practice of inscribing the 
more important laws on tablets and putting them up before the people was 
common in antiquity, as witness the Code of Hammurabi, the Gortyan 
Laws of Crete, and the Twelve Tables of the Romans. The word statutes 
also occurs frequently in the Deuteronomic and priestly codes and suggests 
that the custom was not unknown among the Hebrews (cf. Dt. 2774). In 
general it emphasizes the importance and established authority of the laws 
thus designated. 

In the light of these studies, and of analogies among other kindred peoples, 
it is thus possible to trace definitely the processes by which Israel’s individual 
laws came into being. ‘The original decisions that constituted the prece- 
dents upon which oral and customary law grew up, were rendered, (1) by 
regularly appointed judges, usually leaders of the nation like Moses or heads 
of families (e. g., Ex. 1818-6, Dt. 19-18); (2) by military chieftains or kings 
like David. In I Samuel 302+: 25, for instance, there is a most instructive ex- 
ample showing that the law regarding the distribution of booty, which Numbers 
31°” attributes to Moses, first aroseas the result of a decision given by David after 
an expedition against the Amalekites. In addition to the authorities instanced 
under (1) and (2), we have to add (3) that the great majority of the Old Testa- 
ment laws doubtless grew out of the decisions of the priests (Mal. 26 7), or 
(4) later, out of the renderings of the supreme court of appeal at Jerusalem 
(Dt. 178-12), 

There is no evidence, however, that a special legal commission or legislative 
body was ever intrusted with the task of formulating laws or of collecting 
or codifying existing customs. ‘This was contrary to the theory of ancient 
Israelitish law, the origin of which was early traced back directly through 
Moses, or the torahs of the priests, to Jehovah himself. ‘To the priests, as 
proclaimers, interpreters, and guardians of the torah, fell the responsibility 
of collecting and codifying and also of developing the law. This is distinctly 
implied in Zephaniah 34 and Ezekiel 227°, where they are charged with having 
done violence to the torah. ‘Thus the theory and practice underlying Israelit- 
ish law explain how it was possible readily to absorb foreign elements and at 
the same time to develop in accord with the higher moral standards and needs 
of each age. 

In the history of Israel’s legal system five distinct periods may be dis- 


168 


THE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF ISRAELITISH LAW 


tinguished. ‘The first is the nomadic, the period which preceded the settle- The 
ment in Canaan. At this stage the customary Semitic law of the desert, bee 
supplemented by the specific rulings of their leaders and priests, sufficed se 
for the people’s simple needs. The second may be designated as the early devel- 
agricultural or Canaanite period. It began with the settlement in Canaan opment 
and extended down to the revolution of Jehu in 842 B.c._ It was then that the Israel’s 
nomadic Hebrews gradually absorbed the Canaanites by conquest and inter- =r 
marriage and adopted largely their civilization, laws, institutions, sanctuaries, 

and, as the prophets frequently complain, not a few of their religious ideas 

and customs. ‘The third may be denominated the prophetic period; that 
during which the great heralds of ethical and social righteousness impressed 

their new and revolutionary principles upon the conscience of the race. This 
period, extending from 842 to 586 B.c., was one of intense political and religious 
activity. It was in the interval between these two dates that the great moral 

and humane laws probably took form. ‘The fourth period embraces the 

exilic and post-exilic times; it extends from 586 to about 300 B.c. The nation 

rested under the shadow of the exile, and its religious leaders under the spell 

of the Babylonian and Persian religions. With the hierarchy in the ascendancy, 

the whole tendency of the age was toward ceremonialism. ‘The end of this 
period marks the probable date at which the canon of the law was closed. 

The fifth period is that of the oral law, and extends on beyond New Testament 

times. In theory the legal canon was forever closed, but in practice the 
expansion of the law still went on in the schools of the scribes. Until after 

the fall of Jerusalem (70 a.p.), however, the results of these scribal labors 

were preserved simply in the form of oral tradition. 

Until the exile wrought a radical transformation in their habits, the Israelites The 

were not, as were the ancient Babylonians and Egyptians, a literary people. sie 
Abhorring commerce as they did, their life was comparatively simple; their of sie 
own individual and national problems commanded most of their attention. mission 
Oral communication being easy, it was not until real needs arose that laws 
were likely to be committed to writing, or, at least, to gain wide currency in 
written form. Even the Book of the Covenant, though solemnly accepted 
as law in the days of Josiah, was simply read to the people (II Kgs. 237). 
There is no evidence that more than one copy of it was made at the outset. 
In the numerous introductions to the laws in the Pentateuch, introductions 
written comparatively late, the references are chiefly to the oral reception and 
presentation of those laws. Only in connection with the early decalogues 
is it distinctly stated that they were written down (e. g., Ex. 244, 3118, 3216, 
3427, 28, Dt. 91°); and then the aim of the statement is to emphasize their 
divine origin. During the nomadic period there was no need for written 
laws. 

The ultimate conquest of the Canaanites and the absorption of their civili- The 
zation, gave the Hebrews their system of writing; in all probability, also, it ied : 
introduced them directly or indirectly to the legal codes inherited from of wnt 
Babylonia. It is possible that certain rules for the guidance of judges were Bee 
placed on record as early as the days of David. The reference in Hosea 814 
may seem to imply the existence in Northern Israel of written torahs or direc- 


169 


Influ- 
ences 
of the 
exile 
that 
made 
the Is- 
raelites 
a liter- 
ary 
race 


Testi- 
mony 
of the 
laws 
them- 
selves 
to their 
gradual 
growth 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


tions; but the context indicates that they were simply the moral teachings of 
the prophets, applied, possibly, in the form of laws to the life of the people. 
For the nation as a whole, oral law and custom undoubtedly sufficed far 
into the prophetic period, even until the reformation of Josiah, an 
event which we know was based on a definite written code. And the 
account we have of that reform movement makes it clear that the Book 
of the Covenant had its genesis in the desire to correct prevailing usages 
and to regulate the life of the nation in accordance with the new doctrines 
of the prophets. 

The influences most potent in promoting the growth and study and use of 
the written law date from the beginning of the Babylonian exile. It was then 
that writing became the principal means of communication between the 
scattered remnants of the Israelitish race. ‘The example of the Babylonians 
and Egyptians, among whom the leaders of Israel found themselves, could 
hardly fail to influence them. With the future of their race and religion 
depending largely upon the preservation of the rich heritage from the past, 
with the temple and sacred city in ruins and the ceremonial institutions in 
abeyance, the demand became imperative for written records of the customs 
and rules hitherto transmitted from priest to priest by usage and oral teachings. 
Torn from the temple and without occupation, the priests had, like Ezekiel, 
both leisure and incentive to become scribes and cast their inherited customs 
and laws into permanent form—a literary form which at once conserved 
Israel’s heritage and adapted it to the changed conditions and beliefs that 
the exile brought in its train. Hence during the period beginning a little be- 
fore 621 and ending about 300 3.c. with the closing of the canon of the law, 
the great majority of the Old Testament laws were, it is safe to say, not only 
first committed to writing, but also edited, codified, and given their final 
form. 

The character and present literary structure of the Old Testament laws con- 
firm, at every point, the plain implications of Israelitish history and contem- 
poraneous reference. Among the many indications of their gradual unfolding 
into successive codes is the fact that the same law is often repeated twice and, 
in some cases, four or five times; a fact obviously inconsistent with the late 
Jewish theory of their derivation from the one age and lawgiver. ‘Then again, 
laws dealing with the same subjects as, for example, those defining the rights 
of slaves, inheritance, and temple dues, are found to stand in a progressive 
relation to each other; for in Deuteronomy these laws are given with much 
detail and often fundamentally modify the similar enactments in Exodus 21- 
23; and in Leviticus the corresponding laws introduce various other elements 
not logically consistent with the preceding, if all are assigned to the same 
age. Furthermore, certain laws supplant each other; as, for example, that in 
Deuteronomy 12, decreeing that all sacrifice must be offered in Jerusalem, is 
in obvious contradiction to the law of Exodus 2024: 26; since this law in Exodus 
provides for the rearing of a sacrificial altar at any suitable place and is in 
perfect keeping with the prevailing usage until the days of Josiah (cf. e. g., 
I Sam, 912, 22-25 T Kgs, 1880-37), 

There is further evidence, of the most convincing character, that the various 


170 


THE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF ISRAELITISH LAW 


groups of laws come from different ages and schools of writers; it is to be Evi- 
seen in the radical difference of vocabulary and literary style existing between Soave 
the various groups. When it is also noted that these several groups have the they 
characteristics of the early prophetic, the late prophetic or Deuteronomic, fror, 
and the priestly narratives of the Pentateuch, respectively, the criteria are at ie a 
hand by means of which the individual laws may be distinguished from each schools 
other and their approximate dates determined. Guided by these unmistak- writers 
able evidences and aided by the tireless labors of the scholars of the two cen- 

turies past, the student of to-day is able to rearrange the Old Testament 

laws in their approximate chronological order, and, on the basis of this order, 

trace the unfolding of Israel’s legal and ceremonial institutions from the age 

of Moses to the days of Nehemiah (for a graphic representation of the 
growth and approximate dates of the codes cf. Frontispiece). 


171 


The 
original 
early 
Judean 
deca- 
logue 


Its 
prob- 
able 
date 


iil 
THE PRIMITIVE HEBREW CODES 


Srnck the priests did not write their history until after the exile (cf. Introd. 
of Vol. I, p. 47), the place to look for the primitive records of Hebrew law is 
in the early Judean prophetic narratives, committed to writing about 800 B.c. 
(cf. Introd., Vol. I, pp. 31-37). In Exodus 34, the major portion of which is 
now generally assigned to these narratives (cf. Vol. I, note $76), is found 
what appears to be the oldest recorded group of Hebrew laws. Like all 
ancient enactments they have been supplemented by many later hortatory 
and explanatory additions, which indicate incidentally the great importance 
attributed to the oldest laws by later generations. When these additions are 
removed the original laws are found to consist of ten brief words or command- 
ments; thus the designation in Exodus 347°, And Moses wrote upon the tablets 
the words of the covenant, the ten commandments. According to the early 
Judean prophetic tradition associated with them, they are the original ten 
commandments written by Moses at Jehovah’s dictation on two tablets of 
stone (Ex. 3412 4, 27, 28). In the oldest Hebrew narratives, therefore, they 
are given the central position in the entire Old ‘Testament legal system. ‘This 
position is also supported by the fact that each of the regulations of that 
primitive decalogue is repeated in the same or expanded form elsewhere in 
other groups of laws. ‘That most of the regulations are reproduced four or 
five times in successive codes, indicates how great was the authority and im- 
portance attributed to them by late lawgivers. 

The further evidence of their being the primitive corner-stone of Israelitish 
legislation is confirmed by their character. ‘They define religion in the terms 
of the ritual; they come, therefore, from a period long antedating Amos and 
Isaiah, both of whom defined religion in terms of life and love and service. 
In common with the utterances of all early religions these primitive com- 
mands emphasize simply the cultus. ‘They do not necessarily condemn all 
representation of the Deity by images. Even the injunction, Thou shalt make 
no molten images, leaves a place for the family teraphim, the pillars, and the 
sacred symbols that figure in the stories of the patriarchs. ‘This command 
simply prohibits the molten images made, probably, by foreign workmen and 
in imitation of heathen models; and possibly the second command in its present 
form (Ex. 3417) is a Judean protest against the calves overlaid with gold, 
such as were set up by Jeroboam I at Dan and Bethel. The first command 
emphasizes the principle publicly enforced by Elijah, namely, that Jehovah 
alone shall be acknowledged as God by the Israelites. ‘The remaining laws 
enjoin the faithful observance of the three great annual feasts, and the sabbath, 
and the offering of the customary sacrifices according to the demands of the 


172 


THE PRIMITIVE HEBREW CODES 


early ritual. At least three of the commands assume that the Hebrews are 
agriculturists, and therefore already settled in Canaan. Others, as for ex- 
ample the command not to seethe a kid in its mother’s milk, are clearly in- 
herited from the nomadic period, and may well go back to the days of Moses. 
As a whole, however, these ten words in their present form cannot be definitely 
dated earlier than the days of the united kingdom. 

This decalogue appears to have had a place from the first in the early Judean Evi- 

narratives. Important evidence has already been presented (Vol. I, notes 42¢¢, 
§§ 75, 76) to the effect that the familiar prophetic decalogue of Exodus 201-17 i " 
was substituted by a late prophetic editor for the older decalogue of Exodus origi- 
34. The importance of the former amply justified the transfer, although it 221%, 
assigned to the beginning of Israel’s history certain principles (as, for example, diately 
the rejection of all images) which were only gradually revealed to the more Exodus 
mature consciousness of the race. ‘This substitution, however, was in perfect * 
keeping with the tendency that finds illustration in every department of Old 
Testament literature. In the light of the higher teachings and ideals of the 
prophets, the primitive definition of the obligations of the people to Jehovah 
had been supplanted by one much nobler. Exodus 19%° states that Moses 
had gone down from the mount of revelation, although its present sequel 
(Ex. 20!-!”) implies that he was still on the mountain in the presence of God. 
The natural and immediate continuation of the early Judean prophetic narra- 
tive of 1979-5 is found not in 20 but in 34; for the latter opens with the 
command to Moses to go up again on the mountain with tablets to receive 
the words of the covenant (cf. for the restored order, Vol. I, §§ 183, 184). 
The reference to the second tablets of stone in 15» 4 are evidently from the 
editor who substituted the prophetic decalogue of Exodus 20!-!"._ Fortunately 
he preserved the older version by resorting to the harmonistic method often 
employed by the editors of the Pentateuch when confronted by two conflicting 
parallel versions, and assigned it to a later setting. The Ephraimite or 
Northern Israelitish account of the sin of the people and of the destruction 
of the two tablets (3215-9) suggested a method of reconciling the presence of 
two distinct decalogues. Accordingly the editor introduced the older immedi- 
ately after this account. The great inconsistency of his theory, however, is 
left unreconciled; for he offers no hint or explanation why one decalogue 
was inscribed on the first tablets and a totally different one on the duplicate 
tablets, notwithstanding the fact that the context clearly implies identical 
contents in both cases. 

Deuteronomy confirms (577) 31, 6!) the testimony of the earliest source, Origi- 
that only ten words or commands: were publicly giver to Moses at the mount > peat 
of revelation. ‘This evidence is important, for it clearly implies that when ton of 
the original book of Deuteronomy was written the additional laws now associ- laws 
ated with Sinai must have stood in a different connection. ‘The suggestion f Fouad 
of the learned Dutch scholar, Kuenen, is at least plausible. It is that the n,¥x 
editor who assigned the Deuteronomic code to its present position in Israel’s 202- 
history, just before the crossing of the Jordan, did so because this was already sai 
the setting of the main collection of primitive laws. ‘The only considerable 
body of early Hebrew laws of which there is any record is that now found in 


173 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


Exodus 2023-2319, A position at the close of Moses’ career and just before 
the people passed over the Jordan to enter upon that agricultural lifeof Canaan, 
which these laws contemplate, was most appropriate. But in following this 
ancient precedent for the assignment of the body of the laws of Deuteronomy 
to this setting, it was impossible for the editor to leave the older enactments 
there, for the Deuteronomic legislation modifies and in some cases absolutely 
annuls certain of their commands. Nothing remained, therefore, but to 
transfer them to the earlier setting and to join them, as now found, with the 
ten words. This, be it noted, was in perfect harmony with the tendency, 
traceable from the exile, to associate more and more of Israel’s laws with the 
initial revelation at Sinai. It was, moreover, exactly parallel with the corre- 
sponding tendency to attribute all to Moses. 

The theory that the code in Exodus 2073-2319 was transferred from a 
later setting to its present position by a late prophetic editor, certainly has the 
advantage of explaining, in a simple and reasonable manner, a great number 


dence of most puzzling facts. It may be questioned, however, whether the whole 


of this composite group of laws or only the major collection of case laws 
found in 21/~22!0 was thus transferred. The unity of this group is clearly 
marked. ‘They all deal with civil and criminal questions. ‘They all employ 
practically the same formula and are expressed in the third person rather than 
the second person singular. They are also introduced by the independent 
superscription: Now these are the Judgments that thou shalt set before them 
(21'). If these Judgments were not originally found among Moses’ farewell 
words, they may appropriately have followed the account in Exodus 1818-76 
of his work as judge, but this hypothesis suggests no sufficient cause for their 
transfer. Hence, Kuenen’s conjecture is still the most probable. Their 
remarkable unity in form and content, and the presence also of a distinct 
superscription, leaves little doubt that they once constituted an independent 
group by themselves, and that they did not originally stand in the midst of 
the collection of ceremonial and humane laws which they divide into two 
unequal parts. 

The first question to be answered, therefore, is, What were the origin and 
primary position of the small groups of ceremonial and humane laws which 
remain (2023-76, 2918-9319) after the Judgments have been removed? Some 
later explanatory and hortatory glosses can be readily recognized (e. g., 227!» 
24, 239%, 18, 15b); but the majority evidently came from an early period in 
Israel’s history. ‘The permission to build altars and offer sacrifices at many 
different places (Ex. 20°45) suggests either greater antiquity than even 
Exodus 34°6, or else the less restricted usage of Northern Israel. Further- 
more, this permission is one of the primitive regulations abrogated by Deuter- 
onomy 12. ‘There is nothing in these groups of laws distinctly pointing to a 
date later than that of the united Hebrew kingdom. Their vocabulary 
connects them with the early Ephraimite rather than the Judean narratives. 
The early prominence of the prophets, the broader and more complex life of 
the northern kingdom, lead us to expect that there, rather than in little Judah, 
legal institutions first expanded and found record in detailed written 
laws. 

174 


THE PRIMITIVE HEBREW CODES 


The ceremonial enactments are but the repetition or expansion of the laws Their 
in Exodus 34; laws which are the prototypes of the later and more detailed char 
priestly laws of Leviticus. The humane commands reflect the spirit of the acter 
early Ephraimite narratives and embody certain fundamental ethical prin- 
ciples, like those of kindness to the poor and justice toward dependents, which 
are constantly assumed by Amos and Hosea in their addresses to the Northern 
Israelites as universally accepted. ‘They represent the early Hebrew formu- 
lation of the noble humanitarian ideals that had already been partly incor- 
porated in Hammurabi’s code and that were destined later in Israelitish 
and Christian law to find their fullest and most exalted expression. 

It is a most significant fact that within this rather heterogeneous collection The 

there are found in three groups, which stand by themselves (202%, 2279-31, and Meta 
2312-19) practically all of the ten words of the primitive Judean decalopue i LDPE EN 
Exodus 34. ‘The many and striking variations in order and form furnish deca- 
conclusive proof that the two decalogues represent distinct versions and not ve 
mere scribal transcription from one original. Of course, the exact form and 
content of the ten words or commands alluded to in Exodus 3428, and found 
in the preceding verses of the same chapter, cannot be absolutely determined, 
since they have been expanded and supplemented by later explanatory notes. 
Likewise, the initial commands in Exodus 207° have evidently been changed by 
a later editor; for, under the influence of the obviously later introductory 
phrase (°25), the prevailing form of address in the second person singular 
(thou) has been changed to the second person plural (ye). The frequency of 
this particular change is illustrated by a comparison of the variations of 
identical passages in the Greek and Hebrew versions—even where there is no 
apparent cause (e. g., Ex. 2218 29, 23). Conversely, in Exodus 21? the regular 
formula of the judgments has been changed from the third to the second person 
singular, because this form is found in the immediately preceding passage. 
The following table will facilitate the comparison of the two versions of the 
primitive decalogue; in it the order of the Judean has been followed and the 
fuller form given. The original thow of Exodus 207° has also been restored. 
The first command has evidently suffered in transmission, for in its present 
form it reads, Ye shall not make with me, and the Greek version represents 
a futile attempt to correct it. It is exceedingly probable that this command was 
originally identical with the Judean version. 


Early Judean Prophetic Version Early Ephravmite Parallel 
I. Exodus 34 !4Thou shalt worship | Exodus 20 784Thou shalt The 
no other God, for Jehovah, whose name | make no [other gods] with me (?). ¥2., 
is Jealous, is a jealous God. ver- 
II. 17Thou shalt make thee no molten | 20 23bThou shalt make thee of the 
ods. no gods of silver or gold. Pas 2 


Ill. 18®The feast of unleavened 23 1*'The feast of unleavened deca- 
bread shalt thou observe: seven days | bread shalt thou observe: seven 
shalt thou eat unleavened bread. days shalt thou eat unleavened 


bread. 
175 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


Early Judean Prophetic Version 


IV. 19, 20a, bEvery first-born is mine: 
even all the male cattle, the first-born 
of ox and sheep. And the first-born of 
an ass shalt thou redeem with a lamb; 
and if thou wilt not redeem it, then thou 
shalt break its neck. All the first-born 
of thy sons shalt thou redeem. 

V. 71Six days shalt thou toil, but on 
the seventh thou shalt rest; in plowing 
time and harvest thou shalt rest. 


VI. 2?Thou shalt observe the feast 
of weeks, even of the first-fruits of wheat 
harvest, and of the ingathering at the 
end of the year. 


VII. 258Thou shalt not offer the 
blood of my sacrifice with leaven. 


VIII. 25>The fat of the feast of the 
passover shall not be left all night until 
the morning. 

IX. 262The best of the first-fruits 
of thy land shalt thou bring to the house 
of Jehovah thy God. 


X. 26bThou shalt not seethe a kid 
in its mother’s milk. 


Early Ephraimite Parallel 


22 29b, 30The first-born of thy 
sons shalt thou give tome. Like- 
wise shalt thou do with thy ox and 
thy sheep; seven days shall it re- 
main with its mother; on the 
eighth day thou shalt give it to me. 


23 1°Six days thou shalt do 
thy work, but on the seventh thou 
shalt rest, that thine ox and thine 
ass may have rest and that the son 
of thy handmaid and the resident 
alien may be refreshed. 

16/Thou shalt observe] the 
feast of harvest, the first-fruits of 
thy labors, which thou sowest in 
the field, and the feast of ingather- 
ing at the end of the year, when 
thou gatherest in thy labors from 
the field. 

23 182Thou shalt not offer 
the blood of my sacrifice with 
leaven. 

18bThe fat of my feast shall 
not be left all night until the morn- 
ing. 

22 292Thou shalt not delay 
to bring offerings from the abun- 
dance of thy harvests and the out- 
flow of thy presses. 

23 19Thou shalt not seethe 
a kid in its mother’s milk. 


Signif- It is possible that the command in Exodus 349°, none shall appear before 
rants me empty, is original. It departs, however, from the prevailing formula; 
of 


Crree- 12 Exodus 23!°¢ it breaks the connection and is probably a scribal insertion 


ment from 34. Its content also strongly suggests that it is a later addition; but, 
varia- if not such an addition, the eighth command could reasonably be counted 
tion 


as one. [ven if this change be adopted, the close correspondence between 
the two versions is not affected. In four cases (III, VII, VIII, X) this 
correspondence is absolutely identical; in purport it is complete throughout 
the ten words. Both the variations and the remarkable points of agreement 
can be explained only on the hypothesis that they go back to a common 
original. 

It is sometimes claimed that the Ephraimite prophetic narratives had no 


176 


THE PRIMITIVE HEBREW CODES 


decalogue; yet such statements as those in Exodus 243, 124, 3118b, 3916 fyi. 
(which belong to the northern history), plainly declare that it, like the early $°"°, . 
Judean prophetic narratives, at first contained only the laws of the decalogue cere 
inscribed on two tablets. Exodus 20?! 224 is probably the original Ephraimite narra- 
introduction to the ten words or brief commands that once immediately ?Y¢* 
followed it, an introduction giving the account of the covenant at Horeb ere 
as that account originally stood in the Ephraimite narrative before the ad- logue 
ditional religious and humane laws were combined with it. 

While it is impossible to determine with absolute certainty the exact form Date 
of the original ten words or commands underlying the two early prophetic rota 
decalogues, the probabilities all go to show that they antedate the division itr 
of the two kingdoms in 937 B.c. In the light of all the evidence obtainable 
there is good ground for concluding that this original decalogue was promul- 
gated at least as early as the days of the united monarchy. The character of 
its commands, and their prominence in all later codes, strongly support this 
comparatively early date. 

On the basis of the two variant versions it may be conjecturally restored Its con- 
as follows: ev adap 
I. Thou shalt worship no other God. tion 

II. Thou shalt make thee no molten gods. 

III. The feast of unleavened bread shalt thou observe. 

IV. Every first-born is mine. 

V. Six days shalt thou toil, but on the seventh thou shalt rest. 

VI. Thou shalt observe the feast of weeks and ingathering at the end of 
the year. 

VII. Thou shalt not offer the blood of my sacrifice with leaven. 

VIII. The fat of my feast shall not be left until morning. 

IX. The best of the first-fruits of thy land shalt thou bring to the house 
of Jehovah. 

X. Thou shalt not seethe a kid in its mother’s milk. 

Two significant facts should here be noted: first, the persistence of the Persist- 
tradition that this simple primitive decalogue was early inscribed on two tablets *B¢° 
of stone; second, the emphasis that is laid upon it in all the different groups ae 
of narratives, except the late priestly, which substitutes for it the large body the two 
of legislation found in Exodus 26-31, 35-40, and Leviticus. The different cetn 
prophetic versions only reveal variations that are inevitable when a very 
early tradition is transmitted through different channels. The early Judean 
prophetic narratives represent the words as having been written on the tablets 
by Moses (Ex. 3427 28). The early Ephraimite narratives state that the 
words were inscribed on the two tablets by the finger of God (Ex. 24!2, 3118), 

The Deuteronomic narrative as usual follows the Ephraimite tradition (Dt. 
572, 99, 10). A later Deuteronomic editor, possibly the one who transferred 
the early Judean decalogue to its present position in Exodus 34, reproduces 
the contents of that chapter; but at one point he abandons it in favor of the 
later tradition representing Jehovah himself as writing the words (Dt. 104). 
He also adds (possibly following a lost Judean original, or the temple records 
quoted in I Kgs. 8°) that at Jehovah’s command Moses, before going up on 


177 


Ele- 
ments 
com- 
mon to 
all the 
earliest 
narra- 
tives 


Evi- 
dence 
of an 
original 
Mosaic 
oral 
deca- 
logue 


Evi- 
dence 
that 
there 
was an 
early 
deca- 
logue 
inscrib- 
ed on 


two 
tablets 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


the mount to receive the tablets of the law, prepared an ark of acacia wood, 
and that when he returned he put them in the ark that he had made (Dt. 
102) 3 5), 

In the light of these facts it seems clear that the original tradition, namely, 
that the earliest decalogue was written on two tablets of stone, also goes back 
at least to the early days of the united monarchy, a time when both the 
North and the South shared it in common. Furthermore, a tradition so 
persistent must have had an historical basis. ‘The variations can easily be 
traced to the different narratives in which they appear; but the permanent 
elements, shared by all versions, are: (1) that the ten words were presented 
to the people by Moses as Jehovah’s prophet; (2) that they were promulgated 
at the mount of revelation; (3) that they contained the terms of the solemn 
covenant which bound Israel as a nation to Jehovah; and (4) that they were 
inscribed on two tablets of stone. 

Of the elements just named the first is exceedingly important, for it repre- 
sents the genesis of that tendency, which later became so prominent, to 
attribute the giving of the law to Moses. ‘The second reflects the beginning 
of that parallel tendency to trace the origin of legal institutions to the begin- 
ning of Israel’s history, which ultimately led the later editors of the law to 
associate the great body of the Old Testament legislation with Mount Sinai. 
As has already been noted, the contents of these commands support the con- 
clusion that at least the majority of them may well come from the time of Moses. 
In early Hebrew thought Sinai-Horeb long continued to be regarded as the 
place where Jehovah dwelt and where he could be consulted. ‘The account 
of Elijah’s flight to Horeb is a familiar illustration of this belief (I Kgs. 19°14). 
Back of the decalogue in its present versions, anticipating as they do settled 
agricultural conditions in Canaan, there was probably a more primitive 
oral decalogue, which came, as the tradition asserts, directly from Moses 
and the mount of God. 

The third element, the belief that the ten words embodied the terms of the 
original covenant which bound Israel as a nation to Jehovah, indicates that 
when the early variant traditions first took form these ten words or commands 
were regarded as possessing an absolute and unique authority. It is not 
too much to say that they represent the first stage in that process of canoniza- 
tion which ultimately gave us the Old Testament. Out of a larger body of 
traditional laws and institutions these ten commands stood forth invested 
with overshadowing authority. By following their injunctions the continued 
protection and favor of Israel’s national God was assured. What gave these 
ten words their commanding position? ‘The fourth permanent element in 
the tradition suggests the simplest answer. It was because they were actually 
inscribed on two tablets of stone, and in characters which in time became 
archaic. It is impossible satisfactorily to explain this early and constantly 
recurring moti? in the tradition on any other basis. 

Excellent Semitic parallels are found in the Code of Hammurabi and 
the Marseilles tablet. The second example, although comparatively late, is 
especially to the point because it reflects a Phoenician, and, therefore, a Ca- 
naanite custom. ‘The tablet was set up ina temple and was intended to guide. 


178 


THE PRIMITIVE HEBREW CODES 


the people in the discharge of their religious duty in connection with the ritual Date 
(cf. Appendix VIII). The command in Exodus 342° to bring the best of #24.,;. 
the first-fruits of the land to the house of Jchovah thy God would also seem to cal set- 
indicate that the oldest decalogue was closely connected with a specific of the 
sanctuary; a sanctuary which, in the Judean narrative where it is found, {tien 
could have been none other than Solomon’s temple. ‘The testimony of the deca- 
extract from the temple records found in I Kings 8° also connects the original ea 
ten words with the ark and Solomon’s temple. ‘Tradition, resting probably 

on an ultimate basis of fact, assigns their origin to Moses and the mount of 
revelation; but the varied historical data, as well as the needs of the situation 

and the spirit of the age, suggest that the primitive ten words were not put in 
written form until the reign of Solomon and in connection with the royal 
sanctuary reared by him. The decalogue form indicates that they were at 

first simply inscribed on the popular memory. 

A careful study of Exodus 20?-23!9 demonstrates, after two or three Dis- 
obvious scribal errors have been corrected (e. g., 2023, 212 and 2218, where #2¢¢, 
the Hebrew should be translated, a sorceress shall not live), that the religious of the 
and humane laws are practically always cast in the form of a direct address and 
in the second person singular (thou), and that the civil and criminal laws, fYonial 
where a definite penalty is imposed, are always, as in the corresponding Code !@ws 
of Hammurabi, cast in the form of case law and employ the third person, 
never the second person singular (J? a man do so and so, such shall be the 
penalty). ‘The same distinction reappears in the older laws preserved in 
Deuteronomy, although that code, assuming as a whole the prophetic point 
of view, uses thow prevailingly. The care with which this distinction is 
maintained is illustrated by Exodus 2114, And 77 a man attack another mali- 
ciously, to slay him by treachery; thou shalt take him from mine altar, that 
he may be put to death. 'The mention of the altar introduces the religious 
moti? with the result that the corresponding thow is employed. 

The fundamental reason is probably because the appeal 1 in the one case is Origin 
directly to the individual conscience, and a penalty is rarely imposed; while $)t7082 

y ? is Mf y Pp distinct 
in the other, the fear of punishment is the motif, and the specific laws are forms 
intended for the guidance of judges as well as the people. ‘The civil and 
criminal laws also go back to earlier decisions and precedents as the ultimate 
basis of their authority, and aim simply to formulate and fix customs already 
largely in force. Here too, the indirect influence of Hammurabi’s epoch- 
making code may perhaps be recognized in determining the form of the early 
Hebrew civil laws. It is in this connection significant that the superscription 
to the oldest Hebrew group (21!-22?°) is but a variant of the title Judgments 
of Righteousness which Hammurabi gave to his collection of case laws. On 
the other hand, the direct address (thou) is alone employed in the religious and 
humane laws, probably because each command in the earliest decalogue 
was first given by a priest or prophet as divine torah, and in response to a 
specific question presented by an individual; or else, as the traditions imply, 
because the first group of commands was addressed by Moses, speaking in 
the name of Jehovah, directly to the nation collectively. 

The distinct form and classification of the civil and the religious laws in 


179 


Origin 
and 
classifi- 
cation 
of the 
case 
laws 

or 
judg- 
ments 


Evi- 
dences 
of their 
date 
and 
history 


Com- 
parison 
of the 
Hebrew 
code 
with 
that of 
am- 
murabi 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


the earliest collection indicate that, as among the Babylonians, these two great 
departments of Israel’s laws originally grew up independently. Side by 
side with the ceremonial decalogues, which were in time supplemented and 
expanded, the judgments or case laws were taking form. ‘The early Ephraim- 
ite prophetic tradition in Exodus 18!%-°6 associates their beginning with 
Moses. The Judgments in Exodus 21!-2279 are the earliest written 
evidences of the growth of criminal and civil laws. By their use of the 
word Elohim instead of Jehovah (21% 18, 228) 11), and by other linguistic 
marks, the Judgments reveal their relationship with the Ephraimite 
group of narratives. With this strand they are also connected in their 
present setting. 

Their setting, however, gives little aid in determining their date, for, as 
has been noted, they have been placed in their present position by some later 
editor of the book of Exodus. The laws themselves furnish the only real 
answer to the question of their date. Many of them may come from Moses, 
others assume the settled agricultural conditions to which the Hebrews did 
not attain until after they entered Canaan (e. g., 22°: ©). But Hebrew society 
is still primitive; there are no central courts of appeal; a decision can be 
secured at any one of the shrines or sanctuaries which the Israelites inherited 
from the Canaanites (Ex. 22°) 9); wealth consists of produce and cattle; 
the lex talionis is still prominent, though the more civilized principle of com- 
pensation is being introduced. ‘There is, indeed, no reason for doubting that 
the majority, if not all, of these laws were in force in Israel as early as the days 
of David and Solomon. ‘Their early date is also confirmed by the central 
place that is assigned to them in all later civil legislation. ‘These facts, how- 
ever, do not necessarily imply that they were committed to writing at this early 
time. If Kuenen’s conjecture be correct, they were introduced into the Ephra- 
imite narratives (about 750 B.c.) in connection with Moses’ farewell. Their 
remarkable unity (cf. p. 18) also suggests that they were possibly once current 
as an independent law book. This conclusion would explain, further, why 
they have retained their unity, though introduced into the midst of distinctly 
different laws. Possibly they were not associated with the Pentateuch until 
assigned to their present position by a late editor. The indications, both of 
form and content, strongly indicate they must have been formulated long be- 
fore 750 B.c. 

The remarkable correspondence between many of these individual laws 
and those of Hammurabi, favors the conclusion that the principles under- 
lying them, if not the detailed contents and form, were in part derived from 
the older code through the Canaanites. They deal with similar questions 
and assume very much the same social conditions. Out of the forty-five 
or fifty judgments at least thirty-five have points of contact with the laws 
of Hammurabi, and fully half are in part parallel. ‘The variations are in 
most cases traceable to the different spirit and circumstances of the two peoples 
from whom they come. ‘Thus, for example, there are great differences in the 
penalties imposed. As a rule the older code, which comes from a populous 
commercial nation, is much more severe in punishing any infringement of 
the rights of property; while the Hebrew laws, coming from a people whose 


180 


THE PRIMITIVE HEBREW CODES 


numbers were comparatively small, are more strenuous in protecting human 
life. ‘The penalty for stealing an ox in the Hebrew code is five oxen (Ex. 221), 
but in Hammurabi’s code thirty, or if the owner was a poor man, tenfold its 
value (§ 8). In general the same just and humane spirit is reflected in both 
systems, and the variations are those of degree rather than kind. ‘The old law 
of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth, however, still figures prominently 
in both. In the older code slaves for debt were to be set free at the end of 
three years instead of six (Ex. 21°); under the Babylonian laws daughters 
had the right of inheritance, a right which was not granted to them in Israel 
until a much later period; the rights of widows also are more carefully guarded 
in the older code. On the whole, the Babylonian laws appear to reflect a 
much more highly developed stage of civilization; and this conclusion also 
favors the early dating of the Hebrew code. 

The points of close agreement are many. Especially is this true of the laws Signifi- 
of deposit (cf. Ex. 22712 and Hammurabi’s code §§ 9-11, 120, 124-26), Cf the 
the punishment of kidnapping (cf. Ex. 216 and H. C. § 14), of injury to a Points 
pregnant woman (cf. Ex. 21?7-*° and H. C. $$ 209-14), of sorcery (cf. Ex. agree- 

2218 and H. C. $$ 1, 2), and the responsibility of shepherds (cf. Ex. 2210-18 andes 
and H. C. § 266). That the later Hebrew code owes much to the older system hele 
seems probable, for the atmosphere in which the former developed was 
surcharged with Babylonian legal ideas; yet the points of variation are so 
many and so significant that the originality and individuality of the Old Testa- 
ment code do not need demonstration. 

Both codes seek only to guard against crimes and to anticipate the more Com- 
common cases of dispute, and thus to establish principles and precedents to Pio” 
guide judges in deciding similar questions. Where a customary usage is pee 
fixed, it is often assumed and not restated. Much was necessarily left to the ness of 
discretion of judges. A study of the Hebrew code in the light of the needs Ma ade 
of early Hebrew society, leads to the conclusion that it is not a fragment of code 
a large code, but that the early code, with the probable exception of five 
laws, is preserved in its original and complete form. 

Furthermore, the civil code, unlike the corresponding ceremonial and The 
humane laws in Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy, has received only il 
a few later supplemental additions. ‘These can readily be recognized. ‘The addi- 
penalty to be visited upon a son who reviles his father (21!”) was probably to it 
added by a scribe who was reminded of this law in Leviticus 20° by the very 
similar enactment in 15, This, first written in the margin, has later been 
awkwardly introduced into the text in the midst of a group of laws dealing 
simply with assault. Similarly, Exodus 21°° contemplates the same crime 
and is clearly the immediate sequel of 2° 24. The primitive laws in 77-9, 
which introduce a new subject, may well have been added by an early editor 
familiar with the corresponding Babylonian and Assyrian usage. ‘The 
Greek translators recognized the difficulty, but failed to eliminate it. Exodus 
22, 3 is evidently also an early gloss, for it separates verse ! from its com- 
plement * and contains a different, although kindred, law. Furthermore 
2, 3 assume that the thief is killed, while * provides for his punishment in 
case the thing stolen is still in his possession. 


181 


Earlier 
at- 
tempts 
to re- 


original 
eca- 
logues 
anc 
pen- 
tads 


belongs 
with 
the 
original 
judg- 
ments 


Analy- 
sis O 
the 
civil 
and 
crimi- 
nal 
laws 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


During the first part of the last century the German scholar Bertheau* 
detected the presence of decads in this primitive code, although he failed to 
recognize the unity of each. Professors Ewald, Dillmann, and especially Pro- 
fessor Briggs,} traced these groups of ten still further; Briggs also recognized 
the recurrence of the minor unit five. Professor Paton,[ by pointing out the 
secondary passages which had led preceding scholars astray, and by vigorously 
insisting on the principle that each decad contains only laws bearing on 
closely related topics, succeeded in restoring four complete decalogues in this 
code and pointed out several more in the ceremonial and humane sections of 
Exodus 2073-2319, Professor Paton also called attention to the fact that 
the law in Deuteronomy 2278 29 is identical with that in Exodus 22!6, and 
that it is preceded (Dt. 2210-19, 20-21, 22, 23-24, 25-27) hy a nentad of what appear 
to be primitive laws, all of which relate to social purity and join naturally 
with the corresponding pentad in Exodus 221 17, 18, 19, 20, thus restoring a 
fifth decalogue. That Deuteronomy is based on the primitive codes, and 
that it contains certain early laws not found in the older collections, are facts 
now generally recognized. ‘The assumption, therefore, that Deuteronomy 
has here preserved a pentad of laws, originally found in the primitive code, 
but removed by some editor or scribe to whose moral sense they were repug- 
nant, is exceedingly probable. 

Although the pentad regarding social purity (Ex. 22169) has, hitherto, been 
in part assigned by scholars to the group of religious laws, it is clear that it 
all belongs to the collection of judgments. The form is the same; the thou 
of the current translations of !8 is evidently due to a mistake. Hammurabi 
in his civil code ($$ 1, 2) provides for the punishment of sorcerers. Even 
the law against sacrificing to an alien god was classified by the Hebrew law- 
givers among the enactments relating to social purity (Lev. 177, Dt. 3116). 
In Leviticus 18?! the prohibition of sacrifice to Moloch or Milk is found be- 
tween the laws against adultery and sodomy. 

In the light of these facts it is now possible to distinguish the pentad of 
decalogues which probably constituted the original collection of judgments. 
The following analyses will indicate their contents as well as the nature of 
the code as a whole: § 


JUDGMENTS 


First Decalogue : The Rights of Slaves 


First Pentad: Males, Exodus 21? 34, 3b, 4, 56, 
Second Pentad: Females, 217 8) 9, 10, 11, 


Second Decalogue : Assaults 


First Pentad: Capital Offences, 2112: 13, 14, 15, 16, 
Second Pentad: Minor Offences, 2118-19 20, 21, 26, 27 | 


* Die sieben Gruppen mosdischer Gesetze in den mittleren Biichern des Pentateucha, 1840, 
Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, pp. 211 ff 
Journal of the Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis, 1893, pp. 79-93. 
For these laws arranged in their grouping, cf. Appendix II. 


182 


THE PRIMITIVE HEBREW CODES 


Third Decalogue : Laws Regarding Domestic Animals 


First Pentad: Injuries by Animals, 2128, 29, 30, 31, 32, 
Second Pentad: Injuries to Animals, 2193-34, 35, 36, gal, 4, 


Fourth Decalogue : Responsibility for Property 


First Pentad: In General, 225: 6 7 8 9, 
Second Pentad: In Cattle, 2210-11, 18, 14, 15a, 15b, 


Fifth Decalogue : Social Purity 


First Pentad: Adultery, Deuteronomy 2213-19, 20-21, 22, 23-24, 25-27, 
Second Pentad: Fornication and Apostasy, Exodus 2216 17, 18, 19, 20, 


As in the Code of Hammurabi, a serious attempt at systematic classification Prin- 
is here apparent. he general order is: the rights of persons, the rights of (PP... 
property, and the rights of society. Within each decalogue there is evidence sifica- 
also of careful grouping. Each pentad is a unit by itself. Whence this 
surprising order which is lacking in so many other parts of the Old Testament ? 

It may be due to the powerful influence of the older Babylonian code, or it 
may simply reflect the tendency of the legal mind. 

The ceremonial and humane laws found in 2078-°6 and 2271-2319, although The 
evidently somewhat disarranged, still reveal unmistakable traces of a similar ak 
grouping in decalogues and pentads. ‘The disarrangement, as a rule, does monial 
not affect the unity of the pentads. It should be expected, however, that the hu- 
powerful example of the early decalogue (cf. Ex. 34) would affect the form Geca- 
of the kindred group of the religious even more than the civil laws where its !ogues 
influence has already been traced. ‘The indications favor the conclusion 
that the primitive decalogue of Exodus 34 gradually developed in Northern 
Israel into four corresponding decalogues. At present Exodus 2073-%6, 
22719319 contain only seven complete pentads, and 234 5, which separate 
the kindred laws of 231-3 and ©, two commands of an eighth. ‘The remaining 
three of the pentads are to be found in Deuteronomy 22!-’, which in verses 
1, 3 reproduce Exodus 234: © word for word, only substituting brother for 
enemy. ‘The two commands in Deuteronomy 227: are the immediate sequel 
of 1; and the remaining command, ® %, which enjoins kindness to birds, is 
evidently primitive and belongs with this cycle of laws. 

Exodus 23° is a scribal duplicate of 22°!. Rejecting the minor editorial 
additions, which are readily recognized, the following decalogues appear: 


CEREMONIAL AND HUMANE LAWS 


First Decalogue : Kindness Analy- 
First Pentad: Toward Men, Exodus 22712, 22-23, 25a, 25b, 26-27, eer 
Second Pentad: Toward Animals, Exodus 234 [Deuteronomy 221], 227) 3, tore. 
Exodus 23° [Deuteronomy 224], 22°7. poe og 


Second Decalogue : Justice laws 


First Pentad: Among Equals, Exodus 2318: 1b, 2a, 2b, 3, 
Second Pentad: On the Part of Those in Authority, 236 7) 7b, 7e, 8, 


183 


extent 
of these 
deca- 
logues 


The 
deca- 
logue 
of Ex- 
odus 
201-17 


Paral- 
lels to 
this 
deca- 
logue 


Che 
original 
version 
and its 
date 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


Third Decalogue : Duties to God 


First Pentad: Worship, Exodus 202%, 23b, 24, 25, 26, 
Second Pentad: Loyalty, Exodus 2278, 294, 29b, 30, 31, 


Fourth Decalogue : Sacred Seasons 


First Pentad: Command to Observe them, Exodus 2319-11, 12, 15a, 16a, 16b, 
Second Pentad: Method of Observing them, Exodus 2317; 184, 18b, 19a, 19b, 


These decalogues have been so disarranged that it is impossible to deter- 
mine with assurance their original order. If they followed the Judgments, 
they probably began with duties to men and led up to duties to God. If the 
prophetic decalogue of Exodus 20 (Dt. 5) is an index, the original order was 
the reverse. Possibly the influence of this prophetic decalogue, which was 
esteemed so highly, explains the transfer of the decalogue regarding duties 
to God; so that one pentad precedes the Judgments and the other pentad 
precedes the decalogue concerning justice to one’s fellow-men. ‘The remark- 
able symmetry discernible in the grouping of these laws, leads us to expect 
another decalogue; such a decalogue as would make complete the pentad 
of decalogues in the group of religious and humane laws corresponding to 
that of the Judgments. ‘The later grouping of the law in the five books of 
the Pentateuch, the five divisions of the Psalter, and the apparently five-fold 
grouping in the original Matthew’s collection of the Sayings of Jesus are 
but a few of the many analogies that might be cited. A fifth ceremonial or 
humane decalogue might be found in Deuteronomy, but the attempt to 
define it without any guides would be precarious. 

It is an interesting fact that a fifth religious decalogue is now found in the 
same context, and is none other than the familiar prophetic decalogue of 
Exodus 20'17. In its present arrangement the so-called Greater Book of 
the Covenant (Ex. 20-24), with the additions from Deuteronomy, consists 
of exactly ten decalogues. In the initial decalogue of Exodus 20 the same 
division into pentads is also apparent; the first laws concerning duties to God 
and parents, the second concerning duties to one’s fellow-men. 

In addition to those already noted (p. 17) there are, however, serious 
difficulties involved in regarding this decalogue as originally associated with 
the primitive codes. Its first and second commands seem to be a briefer 
and more advanced version of the two laws in 2073. The prototype of the 
third is perhaps to be found in 2278, Thou shalt not revile God. 'The fourth 
is a duplicate of 231%, Sia days thou shalt do thy work, but on the seventh thou 
shalt rest. The fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth are briefer, more emphatic, 
statements of the principles underlying the criminal laws of Exodus 22'%-?7, 
2213, 16; the ninth is but a restatement of the law in 23!. 

The history of this noblest of decalogues must forever remain shrouded 
in mystery. Without any close connection with its context, it stands, as we 
have seen, alone. It is, indeed, a practical duplicate of the decalogue in 
Deuteronomy 5; the variations in the form of the original words of the fourth 
and tenth commandments, and the fact that a distinct and variant group 
of explanatory and hortatory glosses has grown up about many of the original 


184 


THE PRIMITIVE HEBREW CODES 


words (as for example, Thow shalt not make unto thee a graven image) indicate 
that each decalogue has had an independent history. At the same time it 
is clear that both versions go back to a common original. In the fourth com- 
mand the Deuteronomic version employs the more primitive word observe 
(cf. Ex. 3472), and the tenth command, that which forbids coveting a neighbor’s 
wife (Dt. 5749), suggests an earlier stage of society than the corresponding 
house of Exodus 20!’, which implies that the Hebrews are settled in Canaan; 
so that, on the whole, Deuteronomy 5 seems to represent the older original. 
The prominent position of this decalogue in Deuteronomy indicates, however, 
that it is older than its setting; how much older can never be determined. 
Internal evidence does not assign it as a whole to a period earlier than the 
latter part of the eighth century, a time when the influence of the prophets of 
ethical righteousness was beginning to be felt in Israel, and all use of images 
in worship was viewed with disfavor by the most enlightened leaders. Pos- 
sibly it represents the briefer Judean version of the fuller and yet parallel 
Northern Israelitish decalogues in Exodus 2073-2319, Its present form 
may simply be due to prophetic revision; its basis is perhaps a very brief 
popular decalogue, intended for the guidance of the people in their daily 
relations; while the decalogue in Exodus 34 defined their duties in con- 
nection with the ritual and the sanctuary. It is important to note that, with 
the exception of the second, and possibly the tenth command, there is nothing 
in the decalogue of Deuteronomy 5 (Ex. 20) fundamentally inconsistent 
with the conclusion that it came, in its original and simplest form, from Moses 
himself. 

In view of all these facts, and aided by means of analogy and imagination, Origin 
it is possible to construct an approximate history of the growth of Israel’s Geca® 
primitive codes. Why the decalogue, from the first and far down into Hebrew fegue 
history, was the prevailing form into which all laws and precepts were cast, 
finds its simplest and perhaps most satisfactory explanation in the obvious 
fact that every normal man from earliest childhood has two hands with five 
fingers on each. ‘These ten fingers are ever present and suggestive aids to 
the memory not only of children, but of men as well. If this be the true 
explanation, a system so simple and yet so effective, is worthy of a genius 
like that of Moses. There is no reason for doubting that through Israel’s 
first great prophet there was transmitted a primitive decalogue—and possibly 
several—which defined in ten brief sentences the nation’s obligations to its 
God. It is probable that these ten words were not originally inscribed on 
two tablets of stone by the finger of Jehovah, but upon the memory of each 
individual Israelite by association with the fingers of his two hands. In time 
the ceremonial decalogue, adapted to the new agricultural civilization and to 
the changed conditions and customs which the Israelites found in Canaan, 
was inscribed on two tablets of stone, and perhaps at first set up in the temple 
of Solomon. Naturally, after the division of the Hebrew kingdom, the Judean 
historians preserved the more exact version of it. 

As new ideals dawned upon the consciousness of the race, this primitive 
decalogue was supplemented, and became, especially in the North, the nucleus 
about which grew up a much larger body of ceremonial and humane enact- 


185 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


Growth ments. All these Jaws were modelled after the older original, and hence 


of new 
laws 
and 
deca- 
logues 


Devel- 
opment 
of 
corre- 
spond- 
ing 
civil 
and 
crimi- 
nal 
deca- 
logues 


Ap- 
proxi- 
mate 
dates 
of the 
primi- 
tive 
codes 


were expressed in the form of a direct personal command (thou). Side by 
side with the memory that Moses was the author of the original ten words, 
was treasured the tradition that Jehovah’s commands were cast in the form 
of decalogues and pentads. Possibly the priests in this effective way originally 
impressed the new enactments upon the minds of the people. As new needs 
arose and new standards were adopted, the priests could easily supplement 
the older laws by additional decalogues and pentads. 

Meantime the demands of the settled agricultural life had made necessary 
a corresponding group of civil and criminal laws. ‘The customs of the agri- 
cultural Canaanites, the inheritors of the older Babylonian laws, were adapted 
to these new needs and were doubtless, in modified form, largely adopted by 
the Hebrews. When originally promulgated as a brief code, they were 
probably grouped in decalogues and pentads. If our explanation be correct, 
this form was intended primarily to aid the memory, and may be regarded as 
clear proof, therefore, that these laws, like the corresponding ceremonial group, 
were probably at first transmitted orally. This fact, then, would explain 
why all these primitive codes are cast in what at first glance seems to be a 
very artificial mould. ‘The necessity of conforming to this mould would also 
explain why some subjects, which are passed over briefly in the Code of Ham- 
murabi—as, for example, injuries by animals (cf. H. C. $$ 250-52 and Ex. 
21°8-32)__are expanded into five laws, while others, as for example the laws 
regarding property (Ex. 22°-1°), though deserving more detailed treatment, are 
accorded only the same space. 

It is also probable that the Northern Israelitish school of prophetic historians 
first committed these civil decalogues to writing. Possibly, as Kuenen has 
urged, they associated them with Moses’ farewell words. Just when they 
were introduced into the midst of the ceremonial decalogues is not clear; 
possibly it was the work of the late prophetic editor who substituted the 
decalogue of Exodus 20'!" and transferred the original Judean decalogue 
to its present position. At least it is probable that the majority of the laws 
found in Exodus 2073-2319 and 34, were in force as early as the days of the 
united Hebrew kingdom; and that the five civil and criminal decalogues, and 
the four surviving ceremonial and humane decalogues, were to be found in 
written form by the eighth century B.c. These represent, therefore, the growth 
of Israel’s laws and institutions from that early period, about 1150 to about 
750 B.c., when Amos and Hosea and Isaiah appeared as the heralds of a new 
era in the political and religious life of the Hebrew race. To distinguish 
them from the legal systems of later periods, these oldest collections of laws 
may as a whole be appropriately designated as the Primitive Codes; for they 
record, in concrete form, the earliest revelation of the Divine will through the 
life and institutions of the ancient Israelites. 


186 


IV 
THE DEUTERONOMIC CODES 


THE appearance of Assyrian armies in Palestine about the middle of the Infu- 
eighth century and the resulting conquest of both Northern and Southern that 
Israel, not only destroyed the simplicity of early Hebrew life, but also intro- Pro- 
duced new conditions and problems. Assyrian ideas and religious institutions the 
threatened to supplant completely the more austere worship of Jehovah. It ¢Sdes 
was the series of grave crises arising from this changed state of affairs that 
called forth the first, and in many ways the noblest, group of Israel’s prophets, 
Amos, Hosea, Isaiah and Micah. Their teachings established new ethical 
and religious standards in Israel. New needs, new conditions and new ideals, 
therefore, made a recasting of the old primitive codes a necessity. Fortunately 
the theory and character of Israelitish law made the needed revision possible. 

The prophet Isaiah, discouraged by faithlessness and apathy, turned Fruit- 
from the nobles and people to a little group of devoted disciples in whom he f° 
saw the earnest of an ultimate acceptance of his teachings by the nation. work of 
I will preserve the revelation and seal up the instruction among my disciples, earlier 
were the words that he uttered, words full of promise for the future (Is. 816), PtoPB- 
The reactionary reign of Manasseh silenced the lips of the prophets. For 
forty or fifty years after the death of Isaiah, the old Canaanitish cults and 
especially the newly introduced Assyrian religion, commanded the devotion 
of the people of Judah and led them to forget almost entirely the exalted ethical 
teachings of the group of prophets who had followed Amos. ‘The reaction, 
however, disclosed the crying needs of the situation; and these needs led the 
disciples of the true prophets to devote themselves to the formulation of the 
vital principles of their masters in laws so definite that the most obtuse could 
understand and apply them to the details of every-day thought and life. The 
noble results of the activity of these disciples are recorded in.the book of Deu- 
teronomy. 

The spirit of this wonderful book is prophetic rather than priestly. The Their 
emphasis is placed on deeds and spirit rather than ceremonial. Worship f20"* 
is important only as it is an expression of an attitude of loyalty to Jehovah. phetic 
Little is said about the ritual; and the prophet figures more prominently than the popu- 
priest (cf. 18). Love to God, love to man, kindness to the needy and oppressed, ar 
and even to animals, are the dominant notes in the book. ‘The appeal is not 
so much to fear of punishment as to the conscience of the individual. The 
exact penalty for a given crime is often left to the judge. The omission of all 
technical data and the popular form of the enactments indicate that this book 
was intended for the guidance of the people rather than of judges or priests. 
The whole is presented in the form of a farewell address in the mouth of 


187 


Their 
rela- 
tion to 
earlier 
codes 


Sources 
of the 
prin- 
ciples 
under- 
lying 
Deuter- 
onomy 


Moses’ 
rela- 
tion 

to the 
Deuter- 
onomic 
codes 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


Moses. In him, as their first great representative, the prophets are made to 
rise above the temporal and local conditions that called them forth, and to 
proclaim, with divine authority and in specific terms, the principles, humane, 
political, social, ethical and religious that underlay all their teachings. 

Yet the codes of Deuteronomy do not represent a break with Israel’s earlier 
legal traditions; they are, rather, a natural evolution. Three-fourths of the 
laws found in the previous codes are represented in Deuteronomy. ‘Those 
which were omitted (found in Ex. 2118-2225, 28, 29b) were of interest only 
to judges when imposing penalties for specific crimes; and they did not, 
therefore, conserve the popular aim of the book of Deuteronomy. Although 
most of the earlier laws are reproduced in spirit, very few are quoted verbatim 
(cf. Ex. 3426>, 2319b and Dt. 1421¢). The days of a slavish worship of the 
letter of the law are, evidently, still in the future. Usually the purport of the 
primitive laws is reproduced in the peculiar language of the Deuteronomic 
writers, fully supplemented by explanations and exhortations (cf. e. g., Ex. 
2127 and Dt. 19!-18). Often the usage represented by the earlier codes is 
modified or entirely abrogated. Thus the law of Exodus 20°4°, a law recog- 
nizing as perfectly legitimate the many altars scattered throughout ancient 
Israel, is annulled by the commands of Deuteronomy 12!-°8, 16°: © that de- 
clare illegal every sacrifice performed outside of Jerusalem. 

In most instances the reasons for the new rulings can be traced either to 
the changed political and social conditions or to the teachings of some earlier 
prophet. Hence an endeavor to guard against a heathen reaction like that 
in the days of Manasseh, made it possible, after the fall of Samaria, to cen- 
tralize all worship in Jerusalem. Amos and Hosea regarded the local shrines 
of Palestine with little favor (Am. 5°, 79, Hos. 41°). The lofty ideals of justice 
and social righteousness that permeate the book of Deuteronomy, are clearly 
traceable to the sermons of Amos and Isaiah; and its distinctive spirit, that 
of love to God and man, is the clear reflection of the central doctrine of Hosea. 
It was this epoch-making prophet, Hosea, who declared that the worship of 
heathen gods and the practising of heathen rites was whoredom, treason to 
Jehovah, and the cause of the nation’s undoing. He demanded nothing less 
than that his people love Jehovah with all their heart and with all their soul, 
and with all their might. 

The assignment by the later editors of Deuteronomy of all the laws of this 
noble prophetic law-book to Moses, is singularly appropriate. ‘The public 
address was the characteristic prophetic method of presenting truth. This 
is illustrated not only by the so-called oral prophecies but also by the prophetic 
histories, wherein long speeches containing the doctrines of their late pro- 
phetic editors, are put in the mouths of Moses, Joshua, Samuel and David. 
Indeed this literary form is common in all literature, especially in ancient 
writings (cf. Vol. II, p. 4). Israelitish history and tradition also united in 
attributing all primitive laws to the master-mind that first moulded the race. 
These laws furnished the foundation of the new codes. Not to have acknow]l- 
edged the supreme debt to Moses would have been unwarranted. It is 
but fair to say that they represent what the great prophet would have taught 
had he been confronted by the later needs and stood in the light of later revela- 


188 


THE DEUTERONOMIC CODES 


tion. Through all the laws, early and late alike, the same God was making 
known his will to men. It mattered little who was his spokesman; 
the laws themselves bore on their face the credentials of their divine 
origin. 

The evidence that the mass of the laws in Deuteronomy are a century or Evi- 

two later than those of the primitive codes, is cumulative and conclusive. 40° 
Kingship, as well as prophecy, has become an important element in the state Deuter 
(171420), The crimes of such rulers as Solomon and Ahab are evidently in is later 
the mind of the prophet lawgivers (16 17). A supreme court at Jerusalem chee 
has been established (17°18). Not only the many shrines but also the sacred primi- 
pillars and asherahs (consecrated tree-poles), which were countenanced in the codes 
early prophetic narratives and tolerated without protest from the prophets 
fur down into the Assyrian period, are placed under the ban (123, 167). 
Many other heathen institutions that flourished during the reigns of Ahaz and 
Manasseh, are also strictly forbidden (17°-°). The Babylonian exile, be it 
said, casts its dark shadow across certain pages of Deuteronomy (e. g., 425-29). 
The marks of that period are distinctive; the peculiar language and ideas of 
Deuteronomy are closely related to those of Jeremiah and the disciples who 
edited his book of prophecies. 

The evidence regarding the date of the Deuteronomic laws all points to Date of 

the latter part of the seventh century. ‘The evils of the reign of Manasseh ‘ original 
have become patent; and the prophetic lawgivers take up the task of guarding edition 
Israel against them for all future time. The spirit of the books as a whole 
is decidedly hopeful. Its authors seem to contemplate not the distant but 
the immediate possibility of reform. The rigorous enactments regarding 
the punishment of the devotees of the ancient heathen cults, strongly suggest 
the spirit of the early reformers under Josiah, rather than the dark, reactionary 
reign of Manasseh. From beginning to end it is essentially a reform book. 
It seems probable, though the question can never be absolutely decided, that 
the original edition of Deuteronomy was completed somewhere between the 
beginning of Josiah’s reign in 639 and the great reform in 621 B.c., rather 
than in the days of Manasseh or earlier, as has been sometimes urged. 

That this was the Book of the Covenant, found, according to II Kings 22, Evie 

by Hilkiah the priest while conducting repairs in the temple, has been recog- Gene A 
nized by scholars since the days of Jerome. The reforms, instituted by the Was the 
king after the newly discovered law-book had been verified by the prophetic Josiah’s 
order, and publicly read and promulgated by him, are in perfect accord with i edad 
the demands of Deuteronomy. All the symbols of the heathen cults were 
first cast out of the temple and destroyed (cf. Dt. 123, 17°). All the high places, 
their altars, and the sacred pillars, were broken down; the asherahs were 
hewn in pieces (Dt. 12). Necromancy and witchcraft were suppressed (Dt. 
18!!). Practically every recorded act in that great reformation is in accord 
with a specific command of Deuteronomy. Henceforth until the days of 
Nehemiah and Ezra the life of the Jews of Palestine was regulated by this 
wonderful law-book. 

Aside from the later introductions in 1-4, and the farewell speeches, 
exhortations, and blessings (cf. Vol. I, p. 42), the book of Deuteronomy consists 


189 


Analy- 
sis of 


onomy 


Lack of 
logical 
ar- 
range- 
ment 


writers 


The 
original 
Book 

of the 
Cove- 
nant 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


of seven rather loosely defined groups of laws. ‘These are found in the distine- 
tively legal sections, 5-26. ‘The first includes the prophetic decalogue, 
56-21, and is followed by a series of exhortations based on the first command. 
The second group, 12!-17’, consists of ceremonial and religious laws. 
The third, 178-1822, describes the appointment and duties of the officials 
—the judges, the king, the priests and the prophets—in the theocracy. In 
the fourth, 19, is found a collection of criminal laws. With this group is asso- 
ciated, by community of subject, the law in 21! regarding the expiation of an 
untraced murder. The fifth group, 20, 21!9-!4, consists of military laws to be 
observed in case of war. The sixth, 2115-2519, includes a miscellaneous 
collection of civil, criminal, humane, and religious laws. No systematic prin- 
ciple of classification is here apparent. Many of these laws are closely re- 
lated to those found in the other groups. ‘They seem to represent the result 
of compilation, and to be a series of supplements added to the preceding 
collections. ‘The seventh group, 26, relates to the presentation of the first- 
fruits and the triennial tithe. 

The laws of Deuteronomy are in general characterized by lack of logical 
order and arrangement, though, compared with the primitive codes, there is 
evidence of an attempt at classification. Except in the commands of 5° #1, and 
in a few citations from earlier collections (e. g., 221-4 13-30), the system of 
grouping in decalogues and pentads has been abandoned; a fact probably 
due to the authors’ expectation that their laws would be promulgated not in 
oral but in written form. 

It is obvious, also, that the book of Deuteronomy does not consist of one 
code coming from the same hand; for it bears all the marks of a collection 
of minor codes which have been gradually brought together into their present 
relations. ‘The same subjects are treated in widely separated sections; and, 
conversely, entirely disconnected themes are brought into close connection. 
In addition to the primitive enactments of Exodus 20-23, many other earlier 
laws have evidently been utilized as the basis of these revised codes. ‘These, 
as a rule, can readily be recognized by their more primitive form and content 
(cf. 22). Yet so homogeneous are the phraseology, spirit, and purpose which 
characterize all the different codes that they establish the underlying unity 
of the book as a whole. ‘This is more marked and significant than the evidence 
for different groups of laws from widely different dates. That the different 
collections or codes are the work of the same school of writers, who from time 
to time expanded and supplemented the original nucleus of laws, seems to be 
the true explanation of the repetitions and minor variations in language and 
point of view. 

Both the peculiar structure of the book of Deuteronomy and the report of 
Josiah’s reformation in II Kings 22, favor the conclusion that the original 
Book of the Covenant, the basis alike of Deuteronomy and of the initial 
reforms, is represented by chapters 12-19 and 26. With this nucleus was 
probably associated from the first the original form of the blessings and 
curses in 28. ‘These sections contain all the regulations which are reported 
to have been enforced by the reformers. 

‘To make the new code the comprehensive law-book of the realm, the mis- 


190 


THE DEUTERONOMIC CODES 


cellaneous groups of laws in 20-25 were doubtless early added. Then, with Com- 
the same aim, and by the same school of prophetic reformers, the decalogue Pf” 
and exhortations in 5-11 were later joined. ‘The provisions in 27 for the Pro... 
public promulgation and enforcement of the law appear to belong to a later law 
stratum of the book. The entire legal section (5-28), however, was in a 
the present form probably complete, or nearly so, before the Babylonian exile. 

Its codes, therefore, represent the development of Israel’s law under the in- 
fluence of the great prophetic preachers and editors who lived and worked 
between 750 and 600 n.c. To distinguish them from the earlier primitive 
codes on the one side, and the later development of Israel’s law on the other, 

they may appropriately be designated as the Deuteronomic or Prophetic 
Codes (technically represented by D). In them is found a large proportion 

of the noblest and most enduring legislation in the Old ‘Testament. 


191 


V 
EZEKIEL AND THE HOLINESS CODE 


Tue promulgation of the Deuteronomic codes marked the beginning of the 
reign of the written law. Before that date oral laws and customs sufficed 
almost entirely for the needs of the people; but henceforth the authority of 
the written law steadily increased until it ultimately overshadowed the word 
of the prophet and the counsel of the wise. ‘To this tendency the revolutionary 
experiences of the Babylonian exile gave a powerful impetus. The new 
conditions amid which the survivors of the Jewish race found themselves, 
suddenly transformed them into a literary people (cf. p. 13). Upon the 
work of the scribe depended the preservation of their laws and institutions; 
and closely bound up with these was the future of the race. The exile also 
gave its religious leaders new points of view and the changed conditions made 
new laws necessary. Deuteronomy contained few ceremonial laws; but in 
the minds of the exiled priests in Babylon the ritual occupied the position of 
commanding importance. Hence they proceeded to record the customary 
usages of the destroyed temple, to improve upon these where improvement 
was necessary and feasible, and thus to develop codes adapted to the needs 
of that restored Jewish community which was the object of their dreams. 

The prophet Ezekiel clearly illustrates this tendency. Born a priest, 
probably trained at the temple and familiar with its institutions as well as 
with the recently promulgated Deuteronomic codes, he, together with other 
Jewish priests and nobles, was carried captive to Babylonia in 597 B.c. The 
first period of his residence in captivity was devoted to the work of preaching; 
but in 572 B.c., near the close of his ministry, he prepared the remarkable 
programme or code found in chapters 40-48 of his book. It is in the form 
of a detailed vision of the restored community and temple. Chapters 40-43 
describe the new sanctuary on Mount Zion, 44-46 the ordinances to be 
observed in connection with it, while 47 and 48 give a picturesque account 
of the rehabilitation and allotment of the land of Israel. 

Many of the measurements and ceremonial laws of this code are undoubted- 
ly reproductions of those of the pre-exilic temple, an institution with which 
Ezekiel was personally acquainted. He does not hesitate, however, to in- 
troduce entirely new regulations. ‘The temple slaves of alien blood, who had 
formerly ministered at the sanctuary, are forever excluded (447: 8). Also 
the Levites, the descendants of the priests of the local shrines outside Jerusalem, 
who, according to Deuteronomy 187: ® were allowed to officiate at the temple, 
were now excluded from this privilege (441%) and assigned to the menial duties 
hitherto performed by the tempie slaves. Only the sons of Zadok were 
permitted to approach Jehovah’s altar and to offer sacrifices to him. Thus 

192 


EZEKIEL AND THE HOLINESS CODE 


Ezekiel for the first time establishes that sharp distinction between priest and 
Levite which was soon universally accepted; but in his code the high priest 
is simply the head of the priesthood and is not yet clad in special garments 
and invested with supreme authority as the civil and spiritual head of the 
community. Instead of the later elaborate ceremonial of the day of atone- 
ment on the tenth of the seventh month (Nu. 297-1!!), Ezekiel ordains that 
twice each year—at the beginning of the first and sixth months—a rite of 
atonement be observed, but with a very different and much simpler sacrificial 
formula (4518-20), 

It is not strange that later Jewish rabbis, confronted by these and other His 
wide variations, found great difficulty in reconciling Ezekiel’s code with their P18? 
own theory of the origin of Israelitish law, and that they were inclined to [srael’s 
regard it as a heretical. ‘To the modern scholar Ezekiel is an invaluable givers 
index to the true history of the Old Testament legislation; for his work can 
be definitely dated. Evidently his code is the successor of the Deuteronomic 
and the precursor of those priestly codes which became the ultimate formative 
norm of later Judaism. He is one of the pioneers in the movement emanating 
from the exiles in Babylonia that defined religion in the terms of the ritual 
and aimed to develop a detailed series of laws regulating the life of the in- 
dividual and, especially, the ceremonial services of the temple. 

His code, as such, was never practically adopted by the Jewish race. For His in- 
nearly two centuries more the Deuteronomic codes sufficed for the needs saan 
of the struggling community in Palestine. Much in Ezekiel’s programme, ter _ 
as for example the allotment of the land, was theoretical, not practical. At ism 
the same time the principles that he emphasized, and most of the innovations 
that he advocated, were taken up by later priestly lawgivers and in modified 
and more practical form were incorporated in the law-book ultimately adopted 
by the Jews of Palestine. His primary aim in developing his code in this 
concrete and dramatic way, was to convince his contemporaries that Jehovah’s 
people would certainly be restored to their native land, and to inspire them 
to prepare for the return. The later codes, as well as subsequent history, 
demonstrate that his higher prophetic purpose was realized. ‘Thus he stands, 
not merely as the incarnation of the dominant spirit of the exile, but also as 
the man who, more than any other, shaped the life and thought of later 
Judaism. 

Underlying all of Ezekiel’s preaching and laws is the dominant conception His | 
of Jehovah’s holiness. The arrangement of the temple, its ritual, the laws pony” 
guarding the ceremonial purity of the priest, even the allotment of the land, idea: 
these all are intended to guard the central sanctuary and the Holy One in- vah’s 
habiting it from coming again into contact with anything common or unclean. Weber 
Furthermore, these elaborate regulations were intended to impress strongly 
upon the minds of his readers the supreme holiness of Jehovah and the cor- 
responding obligation of his people to be holy. The vision of Isaiah (Is. 6) 
is here interpreted into the terms of both ritual and life. 

The same conception and application reappear in the laws of Leviticus 
17-26: and are so distinctive that this collection has been appropriately 
designated, and is now generally known as, the Holiness Code (technically 


193 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


Points represented by P*). The underlying thought that binds the group to- 
ef con-_ gether is expressed in the words of Jehovah in Leviticus 22338, Ye shall 
tween observe my commands and do them: I am Jehovah. And ye shall not profane 


and ths my holy name; but I will be treated as holy among the Israelites. I am Jehovah 

Holi- who maketh you holy, who brought you out of the land of Eqypt, to be your 

Code God: I am Jehovah (cf. 197, 207 8 26, 2168, 15, 23, 999, 16). A study of the 
individual laws demonstrates that, as in Ezekiel, both moral and ceremonial 
holiness is contemplated. ‘The impressive refrain, I am Jehovah, is repeated 
forty-six times and is one of many common characteristics that distinguish 
these laws. The same expression is also found seventy-eight times in Ezekiel, 
and not once in the writings of his earlier contemporaries, Isaiah and 
Jeremiah. ‘There are many other striking points of contact both in vocabu- 
lary and idiom. The unusual formula beginning, Every man oj the house 
of Israel (Lev. 17%) 8; 10, 13, 15), is found nowhere else in the Old Testament 
except in Ezekiel, where it is very common (e. g., Ezek. 144) 7:8, 4410, 12), 
The social crimes especially prohibited in the Holiness Code (e. g., 188, 2010-12; 
17, 1918, 15, 36, 909, 211-5), * are denounced by Ezekiel in terms almost 
identical (¢. g., 221% 11, 187+ 8, 12, 16, 3315, 25, 4510, 997, 4425, 20). A like 
emphasis is also laid on the sanctity of the temple (cf. Lev. 19°°, 203, 2112, 
23, 262 and Ezek. 5!!, 8%, 2338, 99). Both seek to guard the priesthood from 
all possible defilement. ‘Thus in language, thought, and purpose, Ezekiel 
and the laws of the Holiness Code are bound together by closest ties. 

Ex- The points of contact are so many and so fundamental that they can be 

plana explained only on the assumption of a vital connection between the two. At 

Mad ,; the same time minor variations in vocabulary and representation indicate that 


of like- Ezekiel was not the author of both. ‘Thus, for example, the Holiness Code 


ness _ knows nothing of his distinction between the priests and Levites. It also 
sanctions, except in the case of the high priest (Lev. 21!*), the marriage of 
priests with widows, a practice which Ezekiel condemns (44°7). A detailed 
comparison of the two systems leads to the conclusion that both come from 
the same priestly circles and approximately the same date, but that Ezekiel 
was acquainted with the major portion of the laws in the Holiness Code. 

Con- In its present form the Holiness Code consists of ten or eleven groups of 

tents laws, which have evidently been disarranged at several points or else dis- 


Levit. turbed by insertions made by later priestly editors. The first group, 179-16, 

and18 includes a pentad of much expanded laws regarding the slaughter of animals 
and sacrifice. All except the last are introduced by the peculiar formula, 
Every man of the house of Israel (?: 8: 1°, 18), The completion of this decalogue 
is perhaps to be found in 18% 4, a passage which contains a group of brief 
commands emphasizing the duty of faithful allegiance to Jehovah. The 
next section, 18°89, embraces, as Professor Paton has pointed out,} two 
decalogues regarding purity in the social relations. Here, as in 19, the 
formula, J am Jehovah, marks the end of each pentad. The following in- 
dicates the method of classification: 





* For a detailed comparison of vocabulary, literary style and teachings, cf. Carpenter and 
Battersby, The Hexateuch, I, 147-51. 
+ Jour. of Bib. Lit., 1897, Vol. XVI, 31 ff. 


194 


EZEKIEL AND THE HOLINESS CODE 


First Decalogue : Purity in Those Related through Parents and 
Children 


First Pentad: Kinship of the First Degree, Leviticus 18% 7) 8 9 10, 
Second Pentad: Kinship of the Second Degree, 1811) 12, 18, 14, 15, 


Second Decalogue : Purity in Remoter Relationship 


First Pentad: Relationship through Marriage, 1816 174, 17b, 18, 19, 
Second Pentad: Outside the Family, 1879 21, 22, 23a, 23b, 


The remaining verses of chapter 18 (?*®°) contain a concluding exhortation; 
this, as a whole, is probably from the original editor of the code, but at several 
points is supplemented by a later priest. 

Leviticus 19 contains a large group of laws regarding religious, moral, and The 
ceremonial duties. Those in 28 have evidently been disarranged. They 2°35 


logues 
are in part parallel to the prophetic decalogue of Exodus 207-!”. The parallel in 
is still more complete if the dislocated fragment in 2415-2 be combined with icus 
1978. Possibly they represent the remnants of an original decalogue. Fur- a 
thermore, if *° be transferred to its logical position after !1*, two complete 
decalogues and one pentad of a third decalogue, are to be found in 9-18. The 
end of each pentad is again marked by the formula, I am Jehovah. 'The 
analysis is as follows: 


First Decalogue : Duties to Others 


First Pentad: Kindness to the Needy, 1998: 9, 10a, 10b, 10¢, 
Second Pentad: Honesty in Business Relations, 19118, 35, 11b, He, 12, 


Second Decalogue : Laws against Iniustice 


First Pentad: Toward Dependents, 19188, 18b, 18¢, 14a, 14b, 
Second Pentad: In Legal Matters, 1915, 15b, 15¢, 16a, 16b, 


Third Decalogue : Laws against Unkindness 
First Pentad: In the Heart, 174) 17b, 18a, 19a, 19b, 


It is in this last pentad that the Old Testament legislation reaches its noblest 
expression: one of its commands, Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself, is 
exalted by Jesus to a position of transcendent authority. Remnants of the 
second pentad, which probably dealt with unkindness to the helpless, are 
perhaps to be found in 199%: 34, An alien . . . in your land ye shall not wrong. 
Thou shalt love him as thyself. Weviticus 19!° contains three laws against 
the mixing of dissimilar things. Duplicate versions of these are found in 
Deuteronomy 229!!, In the same context, * 1%, are found the remaining 
two laws of this pentad. One of them has, for some unknown reason, been 
removed from its natural connection in Leviticus 19 and is now found in 
Numbers 157-41, This section has all the characteristics of the Holiness 
Code and was probably once a part of it. ‘The second pentad of this decalogue 
is now to be found in 2628; but in 20-25 several incongruous laws regarding 


195 


Analy- 
sis of 
Levit- 
icus 
20-25 


Levit- 


icus 


Real 
charac- 
ter 

of the 
Holi- 
ness 


Code 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


illicit relations between a free man and a betrothed slave and the eating of the 
fruit of young trees, have been introduced. ‘The following appears to have 
been the original form of the laws: 


Decalogue concerning Prohibited Practices 
First Pentad: Mingling of Dissimilar Things (Dt. 22°), Leviticus 1919, 
19¢c, 19d’ Numbers 1537-41, 


Second Pentad: Imitation of Heathen Practices, Leviticus 19262, 26>, 27, 
28a, 28b_ 


The remainder of the chapter, 29-3’, contains a composite of social and humane 
laws. 

Leviticus 207-7: 27 prescribes the penalty to be imposed for apostasy and 
necromancy, while 20%-%6 contains a group of laws regarding chastity and 
ceremonial purity which are closely parallel to those in 18. The former 
passage (207-7) prescribes the penalties; in 18 the crimes are simply prohibited. 
Each group also employs different formulas and follows slightly different 
systems of classification. ‘The laws in 18 are simpler, more homogeneous, 
and cast in the decalogue and pentad form, facts which indicate that these 
laws are probably much older than their present setting. Leviticus 211-2216 
contains the laws regarding the priests; 227182 defines the animals 
suitable for sacrifice. Most of Leviticus 23 is evidently from a later priest, 
but in 10-20, 39-42 are found certain early regulations regarding the observa- 
tion of the feasts of unleavened bread, weeks, and tabernacles. As has already 
been noted (p. 39), the detached group of criminal laws in 24!5>-22 evidently 
belong with 19. ‘The rest of 24 is from a later priestly source. ‘The original 
humane laws in 25 (2b-7, 14, 17-22, 24, 25, 35-40a, 43,°47, 53, 55b) which aim 
through the institution of the Sabbatical and year of jubilee to relieve the 
unfortunate and needy, are also closely related to the other regulations of 
the Holiness Code. The many late priestly supplements are readily recog- 
nized. 

The concluding chapter (26) emphasizes, in the form of a hortatory address, 
the fundamental duty of loyalty to Jehovah and his commands. In thought 
and spirit this chapter closely resembles the concluding exhortations of 
Deuteronomy. ‘The evils that will follow disobedience are solemnly pointed 
out; and in 89-89 g vivid picture is given of the horrors of exile. This is 
followed in 40-45 by the prospect of a restoration, if the people repent. The 
promise, however, is not nearly so definite or detailed as that contained in 
Ezekiel 40-48. ‘The Holiness Code also has its own concluding formula 
(46) indicating clearly that it was once a complete and independent collection: 
These are the statutes and judgments and laws which Jehovah made between 
himself and the Israelites on Mount Sinai by the hand of Moses. 

The concluding exhortations, as well as the many civil, criminal and 
humane laws, demonstrate that this remarkable code was more than a manual 
for the use of priests. Like Deuteronomy, it was evidently intended to be a 
book for the people. As in Deuteronomy, the penalties are few, the appeal 
is to the individual conscience, and, in many sections, the direct second 
person singular, Thou, is employed. In contrast with the later priestly codes, 


196 


EZEKIEL AND THE HOLINESS CODE 


it has many other fundamental points of contact with the laws of Deuteronomy. 

It emphasizes the obligation to offer sacrifices only at Jerusalem and manifests 

the same uncompromising hostility to all heathen cults (177, 194: 39, 201-8, 
261). It makes no reference to the later sin-offerings and knows of only two 
kinds of animal sacrifice, the burnt-offering and the ordinary sacrifice. Its 
system of feasts is simple, corresponding closely to those in Deuteronomy 
and the early prophetic narratives. For these feasts no fixed date has yet 
been established. The spring feast is still simply a harvest festival and the 
later stern day of atonement is unknown. 

In the Holiness Code the humane element is also very prominent. The The 

spirit of the prophet pervades it. In this respect it is a worthy companion }\°"¢ 


ing of 
piece and sequel of Deuteronomy. At the same time the interest in the ritual Pre 
is more marked and the point of view of the priest is constantly revealed. and 

It is a remarkable blending of these two very different motifs. In subject- Buestly 
matter and aim it stands midway between the prophetic codes of Deuteronomy, ™ents 
and the priestly codes of Ezekiel and the later writers who place the emphasis 
chiefly upon the ceremonial. 

In its original unity, before supplemented by the late priestly additions Its 
that were intended to bring it into conformity with the later point of view, nae 
the Holiness Code stands, also, in point of time between the Deuteronomic 44te 
codes and that of Ezekiel. It bears the marks of the Babylonian exile; and 
yet there is everywhere apparent an intimate acquaintance with the life of the 
pre-exilic Judean state. Likewise, Ezekiel’s sermons, delivered before the 
final destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.c., reveal in language, ideas, and aims, 
an intimate familiarity with the majority of its laws. It is probable, therefore, 
that the original draft of this code was made between the first and final cap- 
tivity (597-586 B.c.), a period in which the more enlightened leaders, like 
Jeremiah and Ezekiel, saw clearly that the state was doomed, and that Israel’s 
laws and institutions, if they were to be preserved, must be put into written 
form. 

The presence of many duplicate versions of the same law, the primitive The 
nature of certain of the regulations, the frequent points of contact with the o{¢° 
early codes in Exodus 20°%-23!%, and the pentad and decalogue structure ments 
of several groups of laws, strongly suggest that the work of the exilic editor code 
was largely the work of a compiler, and that many of its enactments come 
from a much earlier period in Hebrew history. ‘This is especially true of 
the simple decalogues in 17-19. Their structure indicates that they were 
originally intended to be orally transmitted. ‘They are apparently the Judean 
counterparts of the Northern Israelitish Judgments and of the religious and 
humane laws in Exodus 2078-2319. Their roots are probably to be traced 
to the Mosaic and nomadic periods of Israelitish history. In their pentad 
and decalogue form, however, they assume the settled agricultural life of 
Palestine. Furthermore, the majority of them reflect the ethical teachings 
of the prophets of the eighth century s.c. It is therefore probable that 
they were not promulgated before the latter part of that century. Some of 
them, as for example those in 17!-18°, cannot be earlier than the age of 
Deuteronomy. The remainder of the original Holiness Code apparently 


197 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


records the standards and ceremonial usages in vogue in Judah during the 
half century immediately before the exile; although many of them doubtless 
reflect customs as old as the Hebrew race. ‘Thus, as in the case of every 
Old ‘Testament code, a majority of the laws are much older than the date of 
the collection in which they are at present found; hence, it may truly be said 
that the later Jewish traditions wh'ch aim to emphasize the antiquity of 
Israel’s laws are not without a large and substantial basis in fact. 


198 


VI 
THE PRIESTLY CODES 


For at least two centuries after the fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.c., the in- Growth 
fluences that had led Ezekiel and the author or authors of the Hatiness Céde tants 
to develop their legal systems, continued to bear abundant fruit. The result eg 
is a large body of heterogeneous regulations and traditional precedents, 
now scattered through Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers, but all sharing 
certain marked characteristics which distinguish them sharply from Israel’s 
earlier laws. The first characteristic is that they all, with the exception of 
Numbers 271-11, 35 and 36, relate to ceremonial observances. ‘Thus at once 
are revealed the point of view of the priest and the dominant interest of exilic 
and post-exilic Judaism. ‘These priestly laws represent the bridge over 
which the Israelitish race passed from the highly ethical and spiritual religion 
of the pre-exilic prophets to the rigorous ritualism of the scribes and Pharisees. 

Throughout, these laws assume the belief in one supreme Deity, worshipped Their 
by his people at one central sanctuary. Though written, as most of them erg) 
are, from the point of view of the wilderness, they ignore the unequivocal °f view 
testimony of the earlier historical records, and assume that the institutions 
which developed in the later days of the kingdom or grew out of the changed 
conditions of the exile, were in full force in the age of Moses. In this belief 
they share again the peculiar point of view of later Judaism. Like the 
Chronicler (cf. Vol. II, pp. 27, 28), they have, in their passionate love for 
the temple and its ritual, lost the historical perspective, and project back on 
the barren canvas of the wilderness the priestly ideals which fill their 
minds. 

Their vocabulary and conception of the ritual, as compared with those of Wide 
the pre-exilic lawgivers, have also undergone a fundamental transformation. bcc at 
Thus, for example, the earlier word for sacrificial gift (minhah), a word that Ae 
signified both vegetable and animal offerings, is used fully ninety times, but earlier 
always with the restricted meaning of cereal-offering. Likewise, the pre- °°4® 
exilic forms of sacrifice in which the individual offerers prominently participate, 
fall into the background; and in the later priestly codes practically all the 
sacrifices, with the exception of the sin-offering, are public and under the 
charge of the priests and Levites. Whole burnt-offerings, of which all or 
the greater part of the animal is consumed or given to the priestly representa- 
tives of Jehovah, take the place of those earlier sacrificial feasts in which only 
a small part was burnt and the major portion eaten by the offerer, his family 
and dependents, and the poor Levites. The ancient festivals cease to be 
joyous feasts closely connected with the harvests, and become solemn religious 
assemblies celebrated at fixed dates and with only slightly varying public 


199 


ims 
ot the 
priestly 
aw- 
givers 


ent 
editors 


The 
priestly 
direc- 
tions 

or 
teach- 
ing 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


sacrifices. Certain new festivals, like the day of atonement, and certain 
new offerings, like the sin-oflering, appear in these later laws. All these new 
ideas and institutions are the outgrowth of the sense of guilt impressed by the 
exile upon the consciousness of the race. ‘These increased forms and sacrifices 
indicate also an ardent desire to attain a ceremonial purity more worthy of 
the favor of the Holy One. The separation between the priesthood and the 
laity, slight indeed in the earliest period, is now complete; and the distinction 
between priest and Levite, first made by Ezekiel, is now absolute; each class 
of temple ministers, moreover, have defined for them in detail their rights 
and limitations. 

These radical distinctions evince the real animus of the later priestly law- 
givers. Like Ezekiel and the authors of the Holiness Code, on the one hand, 
they were uplifted by an awful sense of the holiness and majesty of Jehovah; 
and on the other hand, like all their race after the great calamity of 586 B.c., 
they were crushed with a sense of national guilt. As individuals they were 
conscious of no great sins, but their race as a whole seemed to lie, rejected and 
polluted, under the dark shadow of Jehovah’s displeasure. ‘The prophetic 
doctrine of personal righteousness seemed inadequate to meet the needs of 
the situation. ‘The priest, therefore, influenced by all the precedents of the 
past, by the example of the Babylonians and other contemporary nations and 
by the traditions of their own class, sought relief through the ritual. Forth- 
with they set to work to purge their ritual of its unworthy heathen elements, 
to elaborate it in such manner that it might prove adequate to the great need, 
to guard it by carefully formulated laws from all irregularity or perversion, 
and finally, so to establish its divine authority that the faithful observation of 
each regulation would be assured. 

Studied in the light of these common aims, the various priestly laws possess 
a real unity. At the same time the evidence indicates clearly that they come 
not from one but several hands, during a period of a century or two; for 
within the priestly codes themselves there are repetitions of particular laws 
in the same or different forms. Leviticus 6°~798, for example, covers 
practically the same ground as chapters 1-5; and in some cases laws that 
appear to be late supplant or modify or supplement older regulations. ‘The 
present structure of the priestly codes indicates, moreover, that they are made 
up of originally distinct, sometimes very loosely co-ordinated, groups of laws. 

Such a group is found in Leviticus 1-3, 5-7, 11-15, Numbers 5, 6, 
15 and 19!*2, It is distinguished from all other groups by the presence of 
such introductory or closing formule as: This is the torah of the burnt-offering 
(Lev. 6°), or of the cereal-offering (Lev. 6!*), or of the quilt-offering (cf. also 
Lev. 675, 711, 1146, 127, 141, 54, 1582, Nu. 529, 621, 1914). This collection of 
laws is evidently a manual for the guidance of priests and worshippers in the 
discharge of their sacrificial obligations. It deals with the different kinds of 
sacrifice, the distinctions between clean and unclean, the rules of observance 
for priests and people, and the duties of those assuming the Nazirite vow. 
The majority of these laws are evidently based on téréth or decisions rendered 
by the priests (hence for the group the technical designation P*). The fre- 
quently recurring phrase, according to the ordinance (e. g., Lev. 5!°, Nu. 154), 


200 


THE PRIESTLY CODES 


also suggests that many of these laws simply reproduce established (possibly 
earlier documentary) regulations of the pre-exilic temple. 

In language and theme the priestly directions are rather closely related Their 

both to each other and to the Holiness Code. They have been revised at on" 
certain points and adapted to the priestly point of view: but in their oldest date 
form they were apparently associated with the pre-exilic tent of meeting, 
not with the late priestly dwelling or tabernacle. Furthermore, occasional 
traces of pentads strengthen the conclusion that this group of laws, like the 
Holiness Code, has as its nucleus certain pre-exilic priestly regulations. 
These earliest regulations have been supplemented by formularies of customs 
that had gradually grown up about the temple, and by rules of procedure 
given by older priests for the guidance of their younger colleagues and for 
worshippers. The changed conditions of the exile led to further revision 
and supplementing, until these priestly directions attained their present form. 
To date them exactly is impossible. ‘The older pentads probably go back 
to the days of the two Hebrew kingdoms, and, in many cases, doubtless reflect 
still earlier customs. ‘The final formulation of the laws as a whole cannot, 
however, be dated before the earher part of the exile. They were probably 
joined to the other priestly codes at a considerably later date; for they have 
no organic connection with their context nor with the historical framework 
that furnishes the setting for most of the later laws. 

The groundwork of the priestly codes (technically known as P8) consists The 
(1) of an historical introduction to the Old Testament laws as a whole (desig- eran 


nated in Vol. I, pp. 43-48, as the Late Priestly Narratives), and (2) of a more Of the 
. e ; priestly 

or less homogeneous group of laws that is adjusted to this framework. codes 
As has already been noted (Vol. I), the historical sections are very terse, 
indeed little more than genealogical lists, except where they expand to in- 
troduce a covenant like that of the sabbath (Gen. 1!-2*), or an important 
legal institution like the rite of circumcision (Gen. 17). They trace Israel’s 
history in outline to the settlement in Canaan; but they find their true cul- 
mination in the covenant and traditional legislation at Sinai. Sinai and the 
wilderness, therefore, furnish the setting for all the laws peculiar to this ground- 
work. ‘The dwelling or tabernacle takes the place of the later temple, and 

all the laws intended for subsequent use centre about it. In the wilderness, 
apart from all people and things that might defile, the ideal ceremonial purity 

of the congregation and camp is set forth in carefully elaborated regula- 
tions. 

To this groundwork belong the main body of the laws regarding the passover Its con- 
in Exodus 121-13, 43-49, the detailed directions regarding the dwelling or £"/* 
tabernacle in 25-29, the law of the sabbath (352: ), the consecration of the date 
priesthood (Lev. 9-10), the day of atonement (16), the sacred calendar 
(2348, 23-25, 33-38), the lamps and showbread (241-%), the census at Sinai 
(Nu. 1!-4), the Levites (3), the priestly benediction (6??-?’), the use of trumpets 
(1018), and the duties and dues of the priests and Levites (18). The fact that 
the same technical terms, peculiar idioms, and characteristic ideas bind to- 
gether these laws and their historical setting, suggests that they may have 
once constituted an independent literary unit. If so, they may, on the basis 


201 


The 
supple- 
mental 
priestly 
codes 


Their 
origin 
an 
date 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


of the narrative sections, be approximately dated somewhere between 40 
and 400 s.c. (cf. Vol. I, p. 40) 

What has been true of all legal codes was especially so in a period of intense 
literary activity such as this; the work of revision and supplementing in all 
likelihood began soon after the groundwork was complete. Whether the 
Holiness Code and the priestly directions were among the first additions cannot 
be definitely determined. Aside from these larger and older codes, the 
additions to the groundwork represent simply the continuation of the process 
that had already produced the earlier groups of priestly laws. ‘These supple- 
mental priestly codes, however, have their own peculiarities in vocabulary 
and thought. They are intended to fill up the gaps in the older system of 
laws and to define more definitely the method of procedure. In this respect 
they are the immediate precursors of the oral law of later Judaism now found 
in the Mishna; for traditional precedents, such, for example, as the story of 
Zelophehad’s daughters in Numbers 271-1, here figure prominently, and are 
none other than earlier types of the halachic midrashim that became so 
popular with the later scribes. The tendency to make the ritual more elaborate 
is strong. ‘Thus, an altar of incense, not previously known, is introduced; 
and the formal act of anointing, hitherto reserved for the consecration of the 
high priest, is now extended to the ordinary priests; the formula of blood- 
sprinkling, also, becomes more elaborate, and a secondary passover is added. 
These supplemental laws increase in many ways the income of the temple 
and priests; the tithe of the ground, for example, is extended to the herd, 
and the poll-tax becomes one-half instead of one-third of a shekel. 

The supplemental laws bulk large in the Pentateuch; but such is their pro- 
lixity and their reiteration of older regulations that their importance is far from 
proportionate to their volume. ‘They mark the beginning of that intellectual, 
spiritual and literary deterioration which is still more in evidence in the Mishna 
and Talmud. ‘To these supplemental codes belong the detailed and repetitious 
account of the preparation of the dwelling or tabernacle in Exodus 35-40, 
the law of the sin-offering (Lev. 4), the consecration of Aaron and his sons 
(8), the fiftieth year of jubilee (25°17: 23, 25-55) vows and consecrated gifts (27), 
the order of the tribes (Nu. 2), the census of the adult males (4), the dedication 
of the altar (7), heterogeneous ceremonial laws (8 and 9), purification with the 
ashes of the red heifer (19), the law of inheritance illustrated by the case of 
Zelophehad’s daughters (27111), the calendar of sacred seasons (28, 29), 
regulations regarding vows made by men and women (30), the laws of war 
(31), and the marriage of an heiress (36). In addition to these independent 
regulations, almost all the important earlier priestly laws contain supplemental 
sections from the hands of the late priestly scribes, who sought thus to bring 
the older into harmony with the later institutions. 

Most of the supplemental priestly laws bear on their face the evidence of 
their late origin; but a few of them, those for example regarding vows, 
probably reflect comparatively early usage. Obviously it is difficult to fix 
the date of these laws, for they clearly represent the growth of many years. 
Possibly some of them had already found a place in the law-book accepted 
about 400 s.c. by the Jewish community in Palestine (Neh. 10). It is prob- 

202 


THE PRIESTLY CODES 


able, however, that the majority are later additions. The temple tax, for 
example, in the days of Ezra and Nehemiah was still one-third of a shekel 
(Neh. 10°?) and not one-half, as required by the supplemental law in Exodus 
3011-16. And, as has already been noted, the date of the great day of atone- 
ment must have been fixed later, for there is no suggestion in Ezra or Nehe- 
miah of its having been observed on the tenth day of the seventh month. 
The fact that in Nehemiah 10° only the tithe of the ground is required, 
as in the earlier priestly codes, likewise indicates that the definite supplemental 
law in Leviticus 3729-83, which adds a tithe of the herd and of the flock, was 
not yet incorporated in the law of Moses. With most of these later regula- 
tions, however, the Chronicler was familiar. It is safe to say, therefore, that 
the priestly codes in their composite form were, with the possible exception of 
certain brief scribal additions, in existence and accepted as authoritative by 
the Jewish race at least as early as 250 B.c. 

As is well known, the influences which in divine providence produced the His- 

priestly codes did not cease to be felt when the canon of the law was closed. yee 
Old institutions continued to develop and new ones to come into existence. Jewish 
Hundreds of legal questions not anticipated by the Old Testament laws 
arose, and the final decisions in time came to have binding authority. In 
most cases traditional precedents associated with Moses were developed, 
usually as a product of scribal imagination, to lend support to that authority. 
For centuries these were treasured and augmented in the rabbinical schools. 
Lest they should supplant the written law of the Pentateuch, they were at 
first preserved only in oral form; but at length their bulk defied the power 
of human memory. The scattering of the Jews after the destruction of 
Jerusalem in 70 a.D., also endangered their preservation. Accordingly by 
200 a.p. they were committed to writing. ‘The Mishna, which records the 
majority of them, itself in time failed to answer all the questions that changed 
conditions and rabbinic imagination suggested: about it in turn there grew 
up during the succeeding centuries a vast body of comments and traditional 
decisions, ultimately gathered together about 600 a.p., in the great treasury 
of Jewish thought and literature, the Babylonian Talmud. 

The priestly codes, in their final written form, stand at the middle point in Place 

a process of legal development that began in remote Semitic antiquity Se 
(cf. Frontispiece). For nearly two thousand years it can be traced in the life codes 
and literature of the Israelitish race. No one will maintain that the priestly history 
codes represent the zenith of that development; it is rather to be found in the hays tl 
Deuteronomic and Holiness codes. In many ways the priestly laws repre- ish law 
sent a step backward to the more primitive stages when religion and religious 
duty were defined in the terms of the ceremonial. 

There are few institutions or rites in the priestly codes that were not in Strong 
vogue among other Semitic peoples and especially the Babylonians. Both ae. 
races had practically the same sacrificial terminology; the same kinds of Site 
vegetable and animal sacrifices were offered; victims a year old were preferred Semitic 
and they must be without blemish; arks, altars, temples, tables of showbread, eed 
and the paraphernalia of sacrifice were nearly identical. 'The distinctions be- 
tween clean and unclean food, and the laws of ceremonial purity were shared 


203 


ISRAEL’S LAWS AND TRADITIONAL PRECEDENTS 


in common. In almost every law of the priestly codes the influence of the 
inheritances from Israel’s primitive past and of the Babylonian religion with 
which the exiled priests came into closest contact, is clearly reflected. Hence 
it was inevitable that the clear prophetic vision of God should often be ob- 
scured by the priesthood and the ritual, that the individual should become 
only a member of the congregation, and that forms strikingly similar to those 
of the peoples about should take the place of that personal worship which 
the prophets so fervently upheld. 

And yet it must be remembered that the priestly laws are not antithetic 
to the older prophetic legislation. Both continued to exist side by side until 
they were united by a priestly editor. The priestly lawgivers assumed the 
ethical and personal teachings of the early codes as the basis upon which 
they reared their ritual and hierarchy. ‘They also appreciated the firm hold 
that the ancient ritual had upon the great body of their nation. ‘Though its 
origin was in a sense heathen and its influence often debasing, they could not 
expel it if they would. Accordingly they devoted themselves to singling out 
those older laws and customs that were adapted to the new conditions, to 
eliminating the debasing elements in the prevailing religious rites, and to giving 
the ritual as a whole a nobler and more spiritual meaning. History records 
the success of their efforts. ‘Through the period of greatest peril and trial 
they preserved their race and religion intact within the wall of separation 
which they reared high about them. And though without the heathen raged, 
within that sacred enclosure the faithful—as the Psalms abundantly attest 
—found inward peace and joy in the presence of the Eternal Father. 


204 


THE HISTORY OF THE SONGS, 
HYMNS AND PRAYERS 


205 


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' 9 
Lig? 
A 





I 
THE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF HEBREW POETRY 


Portry may be defined as the imaginative and rhythmic expression of 
the insight, the feeling, and the creative thought of an inspired soul. In 
brief, it is thought and emotion set to the music of words. Its object is to 
awaken and direct the imagination and emotions of the hearer or reader so 
that he will also share the poet’s own insight, feeling, and thought. As 
the fundamental meaning of the word implies, the poet is a maker, a creator, 
as well as an interpreter. There are four essential elements in all poetry: 
(1) inspiration, (2) imagination, (3) creative power, and (4) rhythm. Back 
of all poetry is some inspiring force that stirs the mind of the poet. It may 
be the beauty of nature, a striking national or personal experience, an illu- 
minating idea, or a deep emotion. Underlying all these, faith recognizes 
the spirit of the Eternal who, in different ways, touches and imparts his 
truth to the responsive mind of the poet. The real poet must also pos- 
sess the power of imagination, the ability to see clearly and concretely with 
his mental vision that which is not perceived by the ordinary man. Fur- 
thermore, he must be able, by the aid of his imagination, to describe his 
vision in appropriate words and figures and thus to present it clearly and 
concretely to the eyes of his fellow men. Finally, the prevailing concep- 
tion of poetry demands that it shall be rhythmic in form. This essential 
characteristic may be expressed by the rhythm of regular metre, as in Greek 
poetry; by the rhythmic sound conveyed by the concluding words of each 
line, as in most English poetry; or by the rhythm of recurring thought. Above 
all, the rhythmic form must be in harmony with the thought or passion which 
inspires it. 

The earliest examples of Babylonian and Egyptian literature are dis- 
tinctly poetic in form. In ancient Greece the bards began to sing their 
songs centuries before the appearance of the philosophers and historians. 
Among the early Germans and English the art of poetic composition de- 
veloped long before that of prose writing. The Hebrews were no excep- 
tion to this rule. Scattered through the earliest prose writings of the Old 
Testament are older fragments of popular poems that were current at the 
beginnings of Israel’s history or inherited from its Semitic past. 

The reasons why men first expressed their thoughts in poetry are not 
difficult to discover. They are illustrated by tbe natural impulses of the 
child, which to-day faithfully reflect certain of the initial stages in the 


207 


The 
essen- 
tial 
nature 
of po- 
etry 


Its 
early 
origin 


The 


reasons 


General 
charac- 
teristics 
of 
Semitic 
poetry 


The 
rhythm 
of mea- 
sured 
beat in 
Hebrew 
poetry 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


development of the human race. With him imagination and rhythm, two 
of the chief characteristics of all poetry, are innate. To dance and skip 
is for him more natural than to walk. Poetry, with its rhythmic measure 
and strong appeal to the imagination, is remembered long after plain prose 
has been forgotten. Nature also tends to emphasize the rhythmic tenden- 
cies inherent in the human soul. The rise and fall of the waves, the 
rhythmic swaying of the trees, the changing phases of the sun and moon, the 
regularly recurring cycles of the seasons left their deep impression upon 
primitive man. In him that which was rhythmic found a quick response, 
even as does martial or rhythmic music in the modern child. ‘The expression 
of thought or passion in literature was not easy for early peoples. It was 
only under the impelling influence of a strong, creative force that they 
overcame the inertia and clothed their ideas in words. It was natural and 
practically inevitable that the product of that creative force should be 
poetry. Thus the shepherd prophet Amos, under the influence of a clear 
vision of impending danger and of a powerful religious and patriotic emotion, 
voiced his warnings to the nobles of northern Israel in exalted poetic dic- 
tion. The divine truth had taken possession of him and nothing less than 
poetry could express the conviction and message that burned within him. 

The monuments of Babylonia and Egypt have shown that the general 
characteristics of Hebrew poetry were not peculiar to the Israelites but 
were shared in common with the Semitic nations that preceded them. 
The old Sumerian and Babylonian accounts of creation and the ancient 
hymns sung to the gods by the early inhabitants of the Tigris-Euphrates 
valley were characterized (1) by a measured beat recurring in succeeding 
lines and (2) by the rhythm of thought; that is, the second or succeeding 
lines repeating or else developing the thought of the first line. This same 
rhythm of measured beat and recurring thought is found in the earliest 
Egyptian hymns. In many of these poems each succeeding line had three 
accented syllables. More rarely the four-beat measure prevailed. From 
the middle of the nineteenth century B.c. comes a noble Egyptian hymn, 
addressed to Sesostris III, which not only illustrates these fundamental 
characteristics of Hebrew poetry but is also in the form of six strophes of 
ten lines each. In Egyptian poetry, however, as well as in the Babylonian, 
the strophic rhythm appears to have been occasional and exceptional rather 
than the general rule. The thought always dominated the form, and bold 
departures from the prevailing measured beat are not uncommon. ‘The 
same is true of early Arabic poetry. While there are many recurring re- 
frains, a regular strophic or metrical structure is exceptional. It was not 
until Greek culture began to exert a powerful influence upon Arabic and 
Syriac poetry that the regular metre with measured syllables first appeared 
in Semitic literature. 

True to its Semitic inheritance, the fundamental characteristics of He- 
brew poetry are the measured beat and the rhythm of thought or sentence. 
Under the influence of the Greek and Roman ideals of poetry, scholars have 
for centuries sought to find in the poetry of the Old Testament a metre 
dependent upon the quality and quantity of the syllables. A few of the 


208 


GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF HEBREW POETRY 


late psalms may conform to this standard, but otherwise the quest, as 
might be anticipated in the light of the Semitic inheritance, has been in vain. 
Apparently the Hebrew poet considered only the accented syllables. The 
genius of the Hebrew language gave him considerable liberty in this respect, 
for it enabled him to combine, as his needs required, certain short words so 
that they might be pronounced together with one accent. The music, which 
was a frequent, if not the constant accompaniment of early Hebrew poetry, 
likewise favored the measured accentuation of succeeding lines. It is 
probable that the poets in reciting their poems were allowed large freedom. 
Many of them, like the earlier Babylonian and Egyptian poets, frequently 
departed from their adopted measure, especially at the beginning and end 
of stanzas. In general the tendency was to begin with a longer and to close 
a stanza with a shorter line. Sometimes the Hebrew poets passed abruptly 
from one kind of measured beat to another. ‘Thus a part of the charm of the 
peerless twenty-third Psalm is that it begins in the first stanza with the 
three-beat, passes in the second to the four-beat, and rises in the last stanza 
to the five-beat measure. 

The two-beat measure was used but rarely. Its staccato notes were 
well adapted to express the trumpet note of warning on the appearance 
of a foreign foe or for use in the popular songs that accompanied the rapid 
dance. By far the most common measure or metre (using the word in its 
broadest sense) adopted by the Hebrew poets was the three-beat. It was 
admirably adapted to the length of the ordinary brief, forceful sentence 
and enabled the poet to present his thoughts in rapid, effective sequence. 
The four-beat measure was used but rarely. It was employed by Amos 
in the vigorous argument which he introduced in the latter part of the third 
chapter of his prophecy and not infrequently by the psalmists with impres- 
sive force. Next to the three-beat the five-beat measure was used most 
frequently by Israel’s poets. It was really a combination of the three-beat 
with the short two-beat measure. The latter, like a catch in the breath, 
suggested with rare effectiveness the deep emotion that filled the heart of 
the poet. In later days it was the characteristic measure employed in the 
lamentations uttered over the bier of the dead. Jeremiah’s impassioned 
warnings and appeals to his erring countrymen are all expressed in this 
dramatic measure. It was also used, as by the second Isaiah and the 
authors of many of the psalms, to voice the profound emotions of praise 
and thanksgiving which breathe through these immortal poems. Very 
rarely, as in Psalm 127, the six-beat measure is found. ‘Thus, not only by 
their words and thoughts and gestures, but by the poetic measures which 
they employed and by the cadence of succeeding sentences, Israel’s poets 
were able to appeal to the trained instincts of their hearers and to convey 
their ideas with a remarkable completeness and emotional coloring. One 
of the chief charms of the Authorized Version is that its translators instinc- 
tively reproduced, to a great extent, the lilt of the Hebrew, although they 
printed all poetry as prose. In the present text an attempt has been made 
to reproduce, as far as is practicable in an exact translation, the measured 
cadence of the original Hebrew. 


209 


Use and 
signifi- 
cance 

of the 
different 
measures 


The 
ayaa 


oO 
thought 


Synony- 
mous 
parallel- 
ism 


Anti- 
thetic 
parallel- 
1sm 


Syn- 
thetic 
parallel- 
ism 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


A characteristic of Hebrew poetry, even more fundamental than the 
cadence of measured beat, was the rhythm of thought in succeeding lines. 
By its modern discoverer, Bishop Lowth, it was called parallelism, although 
the term is not entirely exact. To the Western ear repetition of thought is 
tautological, and tautology is displeasing; but to the Israelites the essence 
of poetry was the rhythm of idea. Unquestionably this fundamental char- 
acteristic of Hebrew added greatly to its clarity and effectiveness. If the 
thought was not fully expressed in the first line it could be brought out 
clearly in the second. ‘This type of rhyme bound the different members of 
the verse close together and gave to Hebrew poetry its forceful, didactic 
quality. It was also far easier for the poet to conform to the canons im- 
posed by the rhythm of thought than to the more mechanical demands of 
a formal metre or rhyme. Thus the Hebrew type of rhythm, instead of 
impeding, greatly facilitated the free and effective expression of the poet’s 
thought. 

Three primal types of parallelism or rhythm of thought may be distin- 
guished. The first is the synonymous or repeating parallelism in which the 
second line repeats the thought of the first in slightly variant form. Some- 
times it amounts to practical reiteration, as in Isaiah 15!: 


In a night Ar of Moab was devastated, ruined, 
In a night Kir of Moab was devastated, ruined. 


More frequently the principal words in the second line are synonyms of the 
corresponding words in the first line, as, for example, in Psalm 51’: 


Purge me with hyssop, and I shall be clean, 
Wash me, and I shall be whiter than snow. 


This synonymous or repeating parallelism is by far the most common type 
in lyric poetry. It lent itself naturally to the expression of emotion and 
the results of quiet meditation. 

The second type was the antithetic or contrasting parallelism in which 
the second line presented a parallel and yet contrasting idea. This form 
was very rare in lyric poetry, but was frequently used by the wisdom 
writers, for dramatic contrast is a most valuable aid in impressing an impor- 
tant truth, especially upon the minds of the young. ‘The following are 
examples of this type: 


A fool’s anger is known at once, 

But a sensible man overlooks an insult. (Pr. 121°.) 
Better the little that the righteous have 

Than the wealth of many wicked men. (Ps. 373°.) 


The third type was a synthetic or developing parallelism in which the 
thought of the first line is completed or expanded in the second or succeeding 
lines. ‘This form was especially fitted to express developed thought and 


210 


GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF HEBREW POETRY 


complex emotion and was frequently employed by the gnomic as well as the 
lyric poets. Thus Proverbs 15? reads: 


The eyes of Jehovah are in every place, 
Keeping watch over the evil and the good. 


Certain other less common types of parallelism are found. These are in 
reality more complex developments of the three primal types. One is em- 
blematic parallelism, in which a common experience or truth is illustrated 
by a comparison usually drawn from nature: 


As cold water to a thirsty man, 
So are good news from a far country. (Pr. 25%.) 


In Psalm 37! the first two lines are in a synonymous parallelism, the third 
and fourth illustrate the emblematic type, while the second of two couplets 
stands in synthetic relation to the first: 


Fret not thyself because of evil-doers, 
Nor be envious of those who do wrong, 
For as grass they will quickly wither, 
And like the green herb fade away. 


Another type is the stair-like or chain-like parallelism in which a word or 
thought in one line is taken up and expanded in each succeeding line. It is 
in reality a developed form of the synthetic parallelism. Thus, Psalm 
248b, ¢ reads: 


Who is the King of glory ? 
Jehovah strong and mighty, 
Jehovah mighty in battle. 


And Psalm 3?> ?; 


O Jehovah, how many are my foes! 
Many are rising up against me; 

Of me many are saying: 

‘For him there is no help.’ 


A third type is the introverted or enveloped parallelism in which the first 
and last lines are closely parallel to each other and the intervening lines 
expand the thought of the first. This type is, therefore, a combination of 
the synonymous and synthetic parallelism. A good illustration is found in 
Psalm 308-19; 


To thee, O Jehovah, I call and make supplication; 

What profit is there in my blood when I go down to the pit? 
Can the dust give thee praise, make known thy faithfulness ? 
Oh hear and be gracious, become to me a helper. 


211 


Emble- 
matic 
parallel: 
ism 


Intro- 
verted 
parallel« 
ism 


Strophes 
and 


refrains 


Rhythm 
of 
strophe 


Occa- 
sional 
charac- 
teristios 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


A third type of rhythm frequently employed with great effectiveness by 
the Hebrew poets may be designated as the strophic, in which each suc- 
ceeding stanza of a poem repeated in different form or else expanded the 
thought of the preceding stanzas. Clear examples of this type of rhythm 
are found in Amos 4°", where each stanza of four lines repeats the same 
note of warning and ends with the powerful refrain: 


Yet ye have not returned to me, is the oracle of Jehovah. 


In Isaiah 98-104, with its original conclusion, now incorporated in 56-29, 25e, f, 
is found a powerful poem describing Jehovah’s successive Judgments upon 
lawless Israel. It consists of five strophes, each containing fourteen lines 
and ending in the dramatic words: 


For all this his anger is not turned away, 
And his hand is outstretched still. 


Similarly, Psalms 42 and 43 originally constituted one poem of three stanzas, 
each with the concluding formula (found in 42° 4, 43°) : 


Why art thou cast down, O my soul, 

And why art thou disquieted within me? 

Hope thou in God, for I shall yet praise him, 
Who is the help of my countenance and my guide. 


The strophie arrangement of the verses was exceedingly common, espe- 
cially in the later poetry. Frequently it has been obscured by the additions 
of later scribes. It was not, however, a universal characteristic of Hebrew 
poetry, and the attempt of certain modern scholars to restore all Hebrew 
poetry to this strophic form is both misleading and disastrous, for to 
carry through this theory they are often forced to delete many words and 
sentences which are clearly original and to disregard the logical connection 
of the thought and the literary unity of the whole. ‘The Hebrew poets, as 
a rule, refused to be bound by the bonds of an exact strophic structure. ‘To 
them the clear, forceful expression of their message was far more important 
than its external form. Although the thought of the earlier Hebrew poets 


' js rarely confined to the narrow limitations of a strophic structure, there is 


usually a rhythmic parallelism which binds together the succeeding stanzas 
and greatly increases the clarity and effectiveness of their poems. 

The ordinary rhyme employed in modern English and German poetry, 
which is the recurrence of the same sound at the end of succeeding lines, 
was not a fundamental but only an occasional characteristic of Hebrew 
poetry. The clearest illustrations are found in the snatches of popular 
song preserved in the book of Judges. The riddle propounded by Samson 
at his bridal feast is a rhyme which has been felicitously translated by Pro- 
fessor Moore: 


Out of the eater came something to eat, 
And out of the strong came something sweet. 


212 


GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF HEBREW POETRY 


Samson’s reply to the Philistines, when they had found out through his wife 
the answer to his riddle, ends in the two Hebrew words eglatht and hidathi, 
and may be rendered: 


If with my heifer you did not plow, 
You had not solved my riddle, now ! 


The song, which is attributed to Samson’s foes, also contains four rhyming 
words in three succeeding lines that may be rendered: 


Our god has brought low,— 

Under our sway, our foe, 

Him who wrought our country’s woe, 
Who slew many of us at a blow. 


The closing words of Psalm 6 and of Job 10°-!8 also rhyme; but outside of 
these few examples this external characteristic is found very rarely in He- 
brew poetry. It was apparently confined to the popular songs and was 
regarded as undesirable by Israel’s great poets. 

More common in the prophets is assonance or paronomasia. Isaiah 
makes an effective play on the similar sounds of the two Hebrew words 
mishpat and mispah and cedaéka and ¢é aka, which may be rendered: 


He looked for justice, but beheld injustice, 
For redress, but beheld a cry of distress. (Is. 57.) 


Amos also, in the vision recorded in 8! ?, plays upon the meaning of sim- 
ilarly sounding words (kdyi¢ and ké¢), the one meaning summer fruit and the 
other end. More common in the later poetry, but more artificial, was the 
acrostic. ‘Thus, for example, in Nahum 1, in the first four chapters of 
Lamentations, and in many psalms, as, for example, Psalm 119, each suc- 
ceeding line or group of lines begins with a succeeding letter of the Hebrew 
alphabet. 

To the modern Western reader the charm of Hebrew poetry is found not 
in its external form but in its innate literary characteristics. As a rule, it 
is highly subjective in content but objective and concrete in its form of 
expression. The inner feelings of the poet are vividly pictured by means of 
illustrations drawn from the realm ef nature or from common physical ex- 
periences. The picturesque Hebrew language, in which each word suggests 
a familiar picture or feeling or action, lent itself readily to the poet’s use. 
The lack of abstract terms also compelled him to express himself concretely. 
Expressing his emotions in the terms of physical sensations, the Hebrew 
poet with true psychological skill was able to arouse the same emotions in 
the minds of his hearers. ‘These sensations were also elemental and there- 
fore limited to no race or age. The result is that to-day, in reading the 
psalms, we not only grasp the thought of the psalmist but also feel with 
him the fear or the passion or the joy that stirred his soul as he wrote. 

219 


Literary 
ch arac- 
teristics 


oO 
Hebrew 
poetry 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


Hebrew poetry is also characterized by its spontaneity and earnestness. 
The Semitic mind is naturally intense, and the painful experiences through 
which the Israelites passed emphasized this characteristic. The attention 
of the reader is quickly attracted and constantly held by the sheer power 
of the poet’s earnestness. Frequent changes in speaker and point of view 
impart to Hebrew poetry a strong dramatic quality. At the same time it 
is vivid and graphic. ‘The Hebrew poets are keenly alive to the importance 
of variety and contrast. They are always simple but rarely if ever descend 
to the trite and commonplace. The clearness of their thought is not im- 
peded by cumbersome phrases or unfamiliar illustrations. As a rule, their 
style is sententious. Instead of piling clause upon clause, they prefer the 
simple couplet. In this respect their style resembles that of the Semitic 
story-tellers, who constantly depend upon the simple connective and rather 
than upon the more elaborate conjunctions. Above all, the Hebrew poets 
confine themselves largely to themes of common human interest. They 
dramatically portray, in language simple, vivid, and concrete, the vital 
experiences shared by all mankind. Above all, they are inspired by a noble 
yet practical moral purpose that enables them to satisfy elemental needs. 
It is not strange that Hebrew poetry has attracted and held the attention 
of all classes as no other literature known to man. 


214 


ii 
THE DIFFERENT TYPES OF HEBREW POETRY 


Ir is significant that more than half of the literature that has come down 
from the early Hebrews is poetry. There are many reasons why their 
greatest writers were poets. To the Greeks the world of nature was not 
attractive, and there are comparatively few allusions to it in the literature 
of that race. The Hebrews, however, were in closest touch with nature, 
and the picturesque, varied land of Palestine spoke inspiringly to its early 
inhabitants. Above all, the Hebrews saw in nature the external manifesta- 
tions of Jehovah’s character. The fructifying rains, the destructive storms, 
the droughts, the locust plagues, in fact, all the striking phenomena of their 
widely diversified land, were believed by the Hebrews to come directly from 
Jehovah. Nearly every hilltop was crowned by a sanctuary where the 
early inhabitants worshipped the God of the mountains and the hills. The 
trees were the symbol of his life-giving power and of his everlasting care. 
Each gushing spring testified to his gracious provision for the needs of his 
creatures. All nature spoke to them of God and hence inspired them with 
emotions of reverence and trust and gratitude. 

The ancestors of the Hebrews came from the stern life of the desert, which 
developed a constant sense of dependence and intense loyalty to the God 
of the tribe and nation. Hence they and their descendants were by nature 
and training deeply religious. And religion (in its larger meaning) is the 
most powerful force that can stir the heart of the poet. The perilous, war- 
like life of the Hebrews in Palestine also constantly fostered and further 
developed their sense of constant dependence upon Jehovah and the habit 
of attributing every event in their history to his direct intervention. The 
tragic, harrowing experiences that came to them during the later centuries 
aroused within them the deepest emotions of which man is capable, and thus 
inspired and practically compelled them to express their thoughts and feel- 
ings in poetry. The liturgical demands of the later ritual also led the faith- 
ful Jews who gathered about the second temple to voice their experiences in 
the psalms which are found in the Psalter. Thus, throughout all of Israel’s 
history, most of the forces which produce poetry were actively at work. 

Three fairly well-defined periods may be distinguished in the development 
of classic Hebrew poetry. The first is the age of popular songs. It begins 
with the entrance of the Hebrews into Canaan, about 1150, and extends to 
the period of Amos, about 750 B.c. The second is the prophetic period, 
which begins with Amos in 750 and ends with the work of the second 
Isaiah, about 450 B.c. The third is the age of devotional and wisdom 


215 


Reasons 
why the 
Hebrews 
were a 
race of 
poets 


Prom- 
inence 
of the 
religious 
element 


The dif- 
ferent 
periods 
in the 
history 
of 


Hebrew 
poetry 


Early 
folk- 
songs 


Ancient 
bards 
and 
song- 
books 


TisTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


poetry. It begins about 450, to which date may be assigned the main 
poetical sections of the books of Job, and extends to about 50 B.c., when 
the apocryphal book known as the Wisdom of Solomon was probably 
written. The poetical books of the Old Testament, therefore, represent a 
period of at least eleven centuries. They are clearly the work of scores of 
different writers. Certain of the songs found in Genesis and Numbers, as, 
for example, the so-called Song of Lamech in Genesis 4 and the Song of the 
Well in Numbers 2117-18, come in all probability from the early nomadic period 
preceding the entrance of the Israelites into Canaan. 

The few folk-songs and early poems that have been preserved in the his- 
torical books of the Old Testament suffice to suggest the character of this 
once extensive poetic literature. Evidently all the important events in the 
early life of the Hebrews were celebrated with songs and music. Although 
the Song of Songs itself is late, it has preserved a group of popular poems 
that were apparently sung in connection with the wedding festivals. They 
are in many ways the best representatives of the popular poetry of ancient 
Israel. Similarly, songs were sung in connection with national calamities 
and beside the bier of the dead. Many of these dirges have¥been preserved. 
Amos 6° also contains a reference to the songs that were sung in connection 
with the banquets given by the voluptuous nobles of northern Israel. 
The Song of the Well in Numbers 21 is evidently a type of the popular songs 
that were composed by the local poets on the occasion of any important 
event in the life of a tribe or the nation. Isaiah 144 and 231° contain exam- 
ples of the taunt songs that were sung over a fallen enemy or to cast dis- 
grace upon a private or public foe. Great deliverances like that of the 
exodus, or victories like that of the Hebrews beside the Kishon, inspired 
the poets to sing of the achievements of their heroes. These songs appear 
to have been chanted by the women, as in the days of David, when the vic- 
torious warriors returned from battle laden with spoils. Scattered through 
the historical books there are also many priestly oracles, such as that attrib- 
uted to Jacob in Genesis 49, and public prayers, like that of Solomon at the 
dedication of the temple, now found in the Greek versions of I Kings 8” ®, 
Their original poetic form is still retained and they all testify to the prom- 
inent place that poetry held in the early life of the Israelites. 

Numbers 21?’ and II Samuel 19” contain references to a class of bards 
or singers who doubtless composed many of these songs and preserved in 
oral form those which had been handed down from preceding generations. 
They correspond to the similar class of singers who are still found among the 
Arabs of the desert and who recite beside the camp-fires the songs that tell 
of the adventures of the tribe and the achievements of its popular heroes. 
In I Samuel 25** there is a reference to the Book of the Wars of Jehovah which 
is evidently a collection of songs recording the victories won by the Israel- 
ites in the name of Jehovah. A similar collection of ancient songs, which 
has unfortunately been lost, was the Book of Jasher; that is, The Book of the 
Upright. Jasher is evidently a popular designation of the nation, Israel. 
The quotations (e. g., Josh. 10>, II Sam. 118, I Kgs. 8°, Gk.) indicate that 
these poems dealt with important events in Israel’s history, such as David’s 


216 


THE DIFFERENT TYPES OF HEBREW POETRY 


lament over the death of Saul and Jonathan or Solomon’s prayer at the 
dedication of the temple. These references and quotations also suggest 
the wide variety and extent of the popular Hebrew poetry, most of which 
has, unfortunately, been forever lost. 

The character and content of the prophetic poetry which comes from the 
second period of Israel’s literary history have already been discussed in 
Volume III. The poetic addresses of the prophets were the natural out- 
growth of the early oracles which appear to have been invariably cast in 
poetic form. In presenting their messages the prophets used almost every 
type of poetry known to the Hebrew. With the exception of portions of 
Ezekiel, Haggai, and Zechariah, their original oral prophecies were always 
put in the form of poetry. By them the lyrical note, which was struck by 
the earlier prophets, was still further developed and the foundations laid 
for that still wider development of lyrical poetry which characterized the 
third period of Israel’s literary history. Doubtless, during the same pro- 
phetic period many of the proverbs and some of the psalms, which have 
ultimately found a place in the book of Proverbs and the Psalter, were 
current on the lips of the people. It was this second prophetic period of 
Israel’s history that gave to the race the ideas and the impulses which found 
expression in the retrospective and didactic literature of the third period. 

During the third period Israel’s poetry assumed two distinct forms. The 
lyrical group is represented by the Psalter, the occasional psalms in the first 
book of Maccabees, in the concluding chapters of Ben Sira, and in the Psalter 
of Solomon. ‘This group reflects the experiences, the emotions, and the aspi- 
rations of the Jewish race and of the different classes within Judaism. ‘The 
other group includes the gnomic or wisdom literature found in Proverbs, 
portions of Ecclesiastes, Ben Sira, the Wisdom of Solomon, and in the crown- 
ing work of the Hebrew sages—the book of Job. It is the result of the 
earnest desire of Israel’s latest teachers to make practical and effective 
in the life of their own and succeeding generations that which was best in 
the moral and religious experiences of the past and most vital in the teach- 
ings of earlier priests and prophets. 

The drama was not a product of the Semitic mind. Thus far no drama has 
been found in the literatures of ancient Babylonia and Egypt. The Hebrew 
prophets, in their poetic addresses, frequently employed dialogue. Ezekiel 
reveals great dramatic qualities, and one of the chief charms of Hebrew 
literature is its dramatic character; but the Israelites produced no pure 
drama. The book of Job is the nearest approximation to it, yet its action 
and progress are subjective rather than objective. Furthermore, the Old 
Testament contains no clear example of an epic. ‘The song of Deborah 
has many epic qualities, but it is more than mere poetic presentation, for 
through it all runs a large lyric element. Its brevity also forbids its clas- 
sification as a pure epic, for less than twenty verses are devoted to heroic 
narration. ‘The epic, however, was not foreign to the Semitic mind. One 
of the earliest and noblest examples of early Babylonian literature is the 
so-called epic of Gilgamesh, which in a series of twelve canios tells of the 
various deeds of the traditional hero Gilgamesh, who was the prototype of 


R17 


The 
pro- 
phetic 
period 
of He- 
brew 
poetry 


The 
poetry 
of the 
third 
period 


The 
drama 
and the 
epic 


Reasons 
why the 
lyric 
over- 
shad- 
owed all 
other 
types of 
Hebrew 
poetry 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


the Greek Hercules. The marked epic character of Israel’s early narra- 
tives, the frequent references to older poetic sources, and the fact that the 
prose narrators at many points quote from early poetic sources favor, 
although they do not absolutely prove, that the Hebrews once possessed 
a great epic which described in connected form the earlier events in their 
national history and the deeds of their great heroes. Fortunately, we pos- 
sess the prose (which may have been the original and only) version of that 
national epic. 

The most characteristic product of Hebrew poetic genius is the lyric. 
This type of poetry was originally intended to be sung to the accompani- 
ment of a musical instrument, and expresses the individual emotions of the 
poet or of those for whom he speaks. Like most Semitic poetry, it is highly 
subjective, although its figures are often exceedingly concrete. The dom- 
inance of the lyric note in Hebrew literature is due to a variety of causes. 
It was primarily owing to the peculiar genius of the race. The Hebrews 
were pre-eminently individualists. The personal and racial points of view 
are prominent in all of their early writings. ‘The extremely simple structure 
of the Hebrew language also favors the lyric rather than the more complex 
forms of poetry. Furthermore, as has been noted, the chief motive in their 
life was religion, and the lyric is the most natural expression of religious 
feeling. The great crises through which the Hebrews passed and the many 
painful experiences which came to them aroused the deepest personal emo- 
tions and intensified their tendency to develop the lyric. 

While this type of poetry is distinctly individualistic, there is also a strong 
universalistic note running through the lyric poetry of the Old Testament. 
It is, in part, because the experiences of Israel’s poets were common to the 
human race. In the psalms many chords are struck which find a quick 
response in the heart of man in every age and race. The result is that in 
much of the lyric poetry of the Old Testament there is a timeless quality 
which expresses the universal experiences and emotions of humanity. 

The lyric poetry of the Old Testament represents the work of many dif- 
ferent poets who wrote under the impulse of a great variety of emotions 
and in widely separated periods in Israel’s history. ‘The oldest as well as 
the latest poems in the Old Testament are lyrics. In their present form 
they are either scattered through the historical books or else massed together 
in the Psalter without any definite system of arrangement. In order to 
utilize them for reading, study, or even devotional purposes, it is important 
that they be classified. The primary need is to group together those poems 
which are written from the same point of view and with kindred aims. The 
first canon of classification, therefore, is that of authorship. Each of the 
three great groups of Israel’s teachers, the prophets, the priests, and the 
sages, contributed certain of the lyric poems now found in the Psalter. 
Most of the lyric poems fall under one of the three heads, prophetic, priestly, 
or didactic. A still more fundamental canon in the classification of lyric 
poetry is the dominant emotion, whether it be that of exultation or as- 
piration, as in certain of the early tribal songs; or of sadness, as in the 
dirges found in the book of Lamentations; or of thanksgiving, of praise, of 


218 


THE DIFFERENT TYPES OF HEBREW POETRY 


adoration, of penitence, or of worship, as in the different psalms of the 
Psalter. A few psalms reflect a wide variety of emotions, but the great 
majority may be readily classified in accordance with this canon. 

Before the exile the chief note in Israel’s life was either the pride or aspira- 
tion of the tribe or nation. After the exile the Jews for four centuries 
turned from their narrow national ambitions and from trust in their own 


resources to Jehovah as their one source of joy, glory, and deliverance. j; 


As the nation went down in ruin the individual for the first time emerged 
into prominence. ‘The result is that the personal note becomes ever clearer 
in the poetry that comes from the four centuries beginning with the Baby- 
lonian exile. Adoration, praise, and thanksgiving, expressive of triumph 
not of the sword but of faith, or else the note of penitence and fervent pe- 
tition, filled the hearts and found expression through the lips and pens of the 
faithful who worshipped at the second temple. This unmistakable trend 
from the national to the individual point of view suggests the canon to be 
followed in determining the order of the larger groups of poems. Within 
each group it is also important to arrange the poems, as far as possible, in 
their chronological order, thus furnishing a basis for an historical study of 
the different phases in the development of Israel’s faith. 

The oldest group of Hebrew lyrics are the folk or national songs. These 
fall naturally into four general divisions: (1) triumphal odes, (2) traditional 
oracles, (3) dirges, and (4) love and wedding songs. The triumphal odes 
were sometimes sung by the warriors but in early Israel more commonly 
by the women after a great deliverance, like that of the exodus, or a great 
victory, as that over the Canaanites beside the Kishon. They preserved in 
this popular, poetic form the memory of the great events and achievements 
in Israel’s history and, therefore, have found a place among Israel’s his- 
torical records. Out of these triumphal odes there developed, under the 
changed conditions which resulted from the Babylonian exile, the impreca- 
tory psalms in which the inherited hatred and the burning sense of injus- 
tice with which the Jews regarded their heathen persecutors found fervent 
and often to us repulsive expression. Out of the older triumphal odes also 
developed the hymns of praise, thanksgiving, and adoration addressed to 
Jehovah by his afflicted yet trusting people. A third group included the 
majestic psalms describing Jehovah’s leadership of his people in the past 
and the way in which he had delivered them from their foes. Through 
many of these runs the spirit of the old triumphal odes, even though the 
victories which they commemorate took place centuries before. 

Another early form of Hebrew lyric poetry may be designated as the 
traditional oracle. In these poems the experiences and aspirations of later 
generations were put in the mouths of the early fathers and leaders of the 
race, such as Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Moses. ‘These memories and hopes 
were cast in the characteristic poetic form of the ancient prophetic oracles. 
Many such traditional oracles are incorporated in the historical books. 
Most of them are older than their prose setting. Out of these grew in later 
times the great oral prophecies of the pre-exilic period and the psalms which 
embody the messianic hopes of the exilic and post-exilic periods. The 

219 


The 
trend 
from the 
national 


The 
triume 
phal 
odes 


The trae 
ditional 
oracles 


The 
dirge 


The 
Hebrew 
mourn- 
ing 
customs 


Their 
sycho- 
ogical 
basis 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


Jewish apocalypses, as, for example, those in the second part of the book of 
Daniel, are still later modifications and expansions (but in prose form) of 
the earlier oracles. 

The third primitive type of lyric poetry is the dirge. Public lamenta- 
tions for the dead may be traced back to the beginnings of Semitic history. 
In the days of the ancient Sumerian king Gudea professional mourners were 
employed to sing songs of lament over the bier of the dead. They were 
probably connected with the temples. One class was known as the wailers, 
another as the howlers. They included both men and women. These 
lamentations were usually accompanied by music. The plaintive music of 
the harp and flute was best suited to the spirit of these dirges. The song of 
lament and the praise of the departed were voiced by the leader, while the 
chorus joined in the refrain. In the famous old Babylonian epic the hero 
Gilgamesh laments over his dead friend Eabani: 


Thou takest no part in the noble feast, 

To the assembly they call thée not. 

Thou liftest not the bow from the ground; 
What is hit by the bow is not for thee; 

Thy hand grasps not the club nor strikes the prey, 
Nor stretches thy foemen dead on the earth. 
The wife thou lovest thou kissest not, 

The wife thou hatest thou strikest not. 

The child thou lovest thou kissest not, 

The child thou hatest thou strikest not. 

The might of the earth has swallowed thee. 
O Darkness, Darkness, Mother Darkness! 
Thou enfoldest him like a mantle, 

Like a deep well thou enclosest him! 


The Hebrew mourning customs apparently preserved those which had 
been followed for thousands of years in the ancient Semitic world and still 
prevail in the lands of the Kast. ‘The relatives of the deceased, and espe- 
cially the hired mourners, were clad in sackcloth made from the hair of goats 
or camels (II Sam. 211, Is. 15°). With dishevelled locks, with bare feet 
and legs, often cutting their hair and mutilating their features, they threw 
themselves down beside the dead or else sat on the ground casting dust 
upon their heads (II Sam. 15%, Is. 3%, Jer. 16°). Among these Hebrews 
the majority of these hired mourners were women, although male mourners 
are mentioned (Jer. 9!”, II Chr. 35°). Ordinarily, the mourners fasted dur- 
ing the daytime (I Sam. 31, IT Sam. 3%), At sunset the funeral feast was 
held. ‘The wild shrieks and weird cries uttered by the hired mourners in 
the East to-day make vivid the scenes about the graves of the dead in an- 
cient Israel. 

In the old Babylonian epic the laments of Gilgamesh secured immortality 
for his friend Kabani; but this does not appear to have been the original 
psychological basis of the death dirge. Not until the later Jewish period 


220 


THE DIFFERENT TYPES OF HEBREW POETRY 


did the belief in individual immortality gain acceptance even among the 
Israelites. It is more probable that in earliest days the cries of the mourners 
were intended to placate or keep away the spirits of the dead. ‘This reason 
well explains the cutting of the beard and the mutilating of the body. The 
heathen origin of these rites explains why they were prohibited by the later 
Jewish law (Lev. 1977) #8). It is possible, however, that, as among many 
peoples to-day, the belief prevailed that the spirit of the dead lingered for 
a time near the body of the deceased and that offerings presented to it and 
songs sung in his honor gave joy to the departed. In modern Palestine the 
tombs of Moslem saints are often covered with gifts presented by their 
descendants or by the natives who venerate the sacred spot. In the biblical 
laments that have been preserved the chief motive seems to be to commemo- 
rate the achievements of the fallen hero or to express the sorrow of the 
friends who survive. The emotional Oriental undoubtedly finds great relief 
and a certain melancholy pleasure in these dramatic expressions of his grief. 

Two kinds of dirges are found in the Old Testament. In the one an indi- 
vidual hero is the object of the poet’s grief; in the other a city or nation. 
The oldest and in many ways the noblest example of the Hebrew lament is 
the dirge which David sang over Saul and Jonathan. It opens with a 
stanza in the quick, two-beat measure which gradually rises to the three 
and four beat and describes the greatness of the calamity that had befallen 
Israel. The royal poet David then goes on to describe the bravery, attrac- 
tiveness, and achievements of the fallen heroes. Through it all runs the 
recurring refrain: 


How have the mighty fallen! 


The dirge which David sang over Abner represents even more closely 
the popular lament which the hired mourners crooned over the body of the 
dead. In Jeremiah 22'° the prophet laments in the same way over the 
exiled Jehoiahaz, whose fate he likens to that of the dead. The late tradi- 
tion in II Chronicles 34 states that Jeremiah lamented for Josiah and that 
all the singing men and singing women to this day speak of Josiah in their 
dirges. In Ezekiel 32?-! this priest-prophet of the exile sings a dirge, which 
is in reality a taunt song, over the Egyptian Pharaoh. ‘The earliest example 
of the lament over the nation is the dramatic dirge sung by Amos over 
northern Israel whose coming downfall he thus vividly portrayed (Am. 
51,2), Jeremiah, in the same spirit, puts a dirge in the mouth of the singing 
women of Judah (Jer. 917-2). Later, in 127-!*, he laments over the approach- 
ing fate of sinful Judah. The prophetic books contain many taunt songs 
in the form of dirges addressed by the prophet to Israel’s hostile foes. Of 
these the stirring poem in Isaiah 144°, describing the fall of Babylon, Eze- 
kiel’s picturesque dirges over the fall of Tyre in chapters 26-28, and the 
taunt songs over the Philistines, Moabites, Amonites, Edomites, Damas- 
cens, the Arabians and even the distant Elamites in Jeremiah 47-49, are 
the most important. To this group belong the five songs of lamentation 
now preserved in the book of Lamentations, which represent the culmina- 
tion of this strong elegiac tendency in Israel’s thought and literature. 


221 


The two 
kinds of 
dirges 


Aim 


Author- 
ship 


Til 


THE STRUCTURE AND AUTHORSHIP OF THE BOOK OF 
LAMENTATIONS 


TueE book of Lamentations is the most conventional and stereotyped of 
all the Old Testament writings. Four of its five chapters consist of acros- 
tics in which each succeeding verse or group of verses begins with a succeed- 
ing letter of the Hebrew alphabet. Even though the fifth chapter is not an 
acrostic, it has twenty-two verses corresponding to the number of letters in 
the Hebrew alphabet. In the first and second chapters each verse contains 
three lines, in the fourth a couplet of but two lines. These rigid limitations 
in structure necessarily impede the free development of the thought. While 
these dirges lack the freedom and spontaneity of many other Hebrew poems 
they are not deficient in strong emotion and contain a remarkably vivid 
portrayal of the incidents and experiences connected with the destruction 
of Jerusalem. The poet’s reason for employing the acrostic structure was 
evidently to aid the memory. His motive in writing was liturgical, that is, 
to furnish hymns that might be readily remembered and chanted, probably 
in connection with the fasts which were observed in commemoration of the 
destruction of Jerusalem and of the temple. In the seventh chapter of 
Zechariah the prophet refers to such fasts which in his day had already been 
observed for seventy years, beginning with the destruction of the temple 
in 586 B.c. In form and content these poems were well adapted to this 
liturgical use. They kept alive in vivid form the memories of Israel’s tragic 
experience. ‘They aimed to impress upon the minds of the people the les- 
sons taught by their past, “‘lest they forget.”” They also aimed to interpret 
the meaning of those experiences and to justify Jehovah’s rigorous dealing 
with his people, and thus to arouse in the heart of the nation faith and 
adoration even in the presence of overwhelming calamity. To the histo- 
rian they are of inestimable value, for they reveal the soul of the race and 
give contemporary pictures of conditions in Jerusalem in the days preced- 
ing and following its overthrow regarding which Israel’s historians are 
almost silent. 

The position of the book of Lamentations in the English Bible is due to 
the influence of a tradition preserved in the superscription to the Greek 
text of Lamentations: And it came to pass after Israel had been led captive 
and Jerusalem laid desolate that Jeremiah sat down weeping and lifted up this 
lament over Jerusalem. The tradition that Jeremiah was the author of 
Lamentations may be traced back to the Greek period in the statement of 


222 


STRUCTURE AND AUTHORSHIP OF LAMENTATIONS 


the Chronicler (II Chr. 35%): And Jeremiah sang a song of lamentation for 
Josiah, and all the singing men and women speak of Josiah in their lamenta- 
tions to this day. And they made them a custom in Israel, and now they are 
written in Lamentations. ‘The tradition that Jeremiah was the author of 
the book of Lamentations was probably suggested by the fact that of all 
the great Hebrew prophets Jeremiah alone was present to witness the clos- 
ing scene in Judah’s death agony. He also, more frequently than any other 
prophet, interspersed his prophecies with dirges. His favorite metre was 
the five-beat, which, since the days of Amos, had been the customary lamen- 
tation metre. Many of the expressions and ideas in Lamentations are 
peculiar to Jeremiah, indicating that, if he did not write these poems, he at 
least exerted a strong influence upon the thought of those who composed 
them, so that there is a real underlying basis for the tradition. 

The evidence that Jeremiah was not the author of Lamentations is, how- 
ever, cumulative and on the whole conclusive. It is almost inconceivable 
that one who so frequently disregarded the rules of Hebrew metre would 
allow himself to be bound by the artificial limitations of the acrostic. Many 
of the teachings in Lamentations are also contrary to those of Jeremiah, 
as, for example, the explanation of the calamities which overtook his nation 
(cf. 57) or the estimate of Judah’s last king, Zedekiah. (Cf., e. g., 29, 417: 18) 20.) 
They reflect rather the popular attitude toward the great catastrophe. Many 
of the characteristic phrases of Ezekiel are woven into these dirges, in- 
dicating that their authors were acquainted with the priest-prophet of the 
exile. Certain of the poems also reflect later situations and points of view. 
The variations in the order of the letters in the Hebrew alphabet and in 
the literary style and excellence of the different chapters point clearly to 
at least two‘or three different authors. 

Chapters 2 and 4 are the oldest poems in the book and probably come 
from the same author. Each reveals an intimate familiarity with the tragic 
events attending the final destruction of the city and temple. The emo- 
tions of the author are so strong that they overcome the regular limitations 
of the acrostic structure. They reflect the feeling of astonishment and 
stupefaction with which the survivors regarded the great catastrophe. The 
insane hunger of the women, the helpless misery of the children, the shame- 
less indignities heaped upon the rulers of Judah are portrayed with remark- 
able vividness and fidelity. The influence of Ezekiel may also be clearly 
recognized in these chapters. (Cf. 2 and Ezek. 2278.) The downfall of the 
state is attributed to the misleading teachings of the mercenary priests and 
prophets. The same unusual order of letters of the Hebrew alphabet is 
followed in both poems, while in 1 that which became the later order is fol- 
lowed. These poems were probably written in Judah some time between 
the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 and the liberation of Jehoiachin in 561 
B.c., by one who was intimately acquainted with Zedekiah’s fatal policy 
(2!7), and was also a devoted supporter of the ill-fated king (47°). They are, 
therefore, the best contemporary records that we have regarding the ex- 
periences and feelings of the Jews in the opening decades of the Babylonian 
exile. 

223 


Date of 
chapters 
2 and 4 


Date 
of chap- 
ter 1 


Of 
chap- 
ter 5 


Of 
chap- 
ter 3 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


The poem in chapter 1 is an acrostic in which each succeeding letter of 
the alphabet is followed by three lines. It has the usual order of the Hebrew 
alphabet. It vividly pictures the woes following the destruction of Jeru- 
salem. While the feeling and language are less spontaneous than in 2 and 4, 
it is full of genuine pathos. It strikes many notes which run through the 
psalms. Jerusalem, however, is no longer entirely without inhabitants, 
as was probably the case in the days immediately following its destruction 
by the Chaldeans. The day of Jerusalem’s great calamity is already a 
memory of the past (7) and the description of that event lacks the vividness 
of chapters 2 and 4. The pitiable lot of those who had come back to live on 
its ruined site is prominent in the mind of the poet. The taunting, mali- 
cious attitude of neighboring peoples is clearly reflected. The culmination 
of the poem is a fervent petition that Jehovah will speedily take vengeance 
upon these malignant foes. ‘There is no suggestion that Cyrus had as yet 
conquered Babylon and granted to the Jews the privilege of rebuilding 
their sanctuary. The poem, therefore, comes in all probability from a 
Palestinian poet who wrote during the latter part of the Babylonian period, 
between 560 and 540 B.c. 

Chapter 5, like 1, presents a vivid picture of the conditions in the Jewish 
community during the years following the destruction of Jerusalem. The 
memories of that event, however, are vague. It was in the days of their 
fathers that the nation paid the first great penalty for its guilt. For these 
many years () Jehovah has apparently forgotten and forsaken his people. 
The basis of the petition with which the poem concludes is that after these 
many years the nation has atoned for its guilt and the time has come when 
Jehovah should pardon and restore. In contrast with 2 and 4 the sense 
of national guilt is much more prominent, but there is no protestation of in- 
nocence, as in the book of Job and in the psalms which come from the middle 
of the Persian period. There is also no suggestion that the temple has been 
rebuilt or that the heavy Chaldean yoke has been removed. It is evident, 
therefore, that this chapter comes from about the same period as 1, that is, 
the latter half of the Babylonian or early in the Persian period. 

Chapter 3 differs widely from the other poems in the book of Lamenta- 
tions. In thought and language it is closely connected with Zechariah, 
Job, II Isaiah, and many of the psalms. It lacks the spontaneous feeling 
and vigorous literary style of the other dirges in the book of Lamentations. 
Its spirit and language are those of the later psalm literature. The first 
part of the poem is a meditation on Israel’s painful experiences in the past. 
The strong didactic element connects it with the reflective psalms and the 
work of Israel’s wise men which culminated in the Greek period. ‘The tone 
of this poem is deeply religious. The love and mercy of God are pictured 
with remarkable effectiveness and appreciation. The poem is apparently 
made up of fragments of psalms which have been adjusted to the acrostic 
structure and brought into a loose literary unity. Its dependence upon the 
later writings of the Old Testament is so great, and it is so far removed from 
the problems of the Babylonian period, that it is difficult to assign it to a date 
earlier than the last half of the Persian or the first part of the Greek period. 


224 


STRUCTURE AND AUTHORSHIP OF LAMENTATIONS 


The author of chapter 3, who may have been the final editor of the book 
of Lamentations, evidently modelled his work after chapters 2 and 4. He 
has not only adopted the unusual order of the Hebrew alphabet found in 
these chapters but also introduced his poem between these two earlier 
laments. Chapter 1 was probably given its position at the beginning of 
the book because of its vivid description of the desolation of Jerusalem. 
It also furnished a fitting introduction to the book as a whole. Chapter 5 
was placed at the end because even a casual reader would at once recognize 
that it reflected conditions a generation or two after the great catastrophe 
of 586 B.c. It is thus possible to trace with reasonable assurance the growth 
and history of the little book of Lamentations, which, though one of the 
shortest books of the Old Testament, represents the work of at least three 
different authors and reflects the thought of as many centuries. Like 
many of the psalms, it reflects the unassuaged sorrow but invincible faith 
and hope in the heart of the Jewish race. Neglected by most modern 
readers in the Western world, it is the book which voices the woes of the 
orthodox Jews, who still regard themselves as exiles without a country. 


225 


The 
history 
of the 
Song of 
Songs 


Its alle- 
gorical 
inter- 
preta- 
tion 


IV 


THE ORIGIN AND INTERPRETATION OF THE SONG 
OF SONGS 


Tue Song of Songs, or, as it is known in late tradition, the Song of Sol- 
omon, is one of the latest books to be included in the canon of the Old 
Testament. Not only is it found in the third and latest collection of writ- 
ings, but its position was questioned by the famous rabbi Aquiba as late 
as the first half of the second Christian century. Josephus’s statement 
(Contra Apion 1°) that twenty-two books were included in the sacred scrip- 
tures of his race suggests that by the last quarter of the first Christian cen- 
tury the Song of Songs had already been included by common consent 
in the canon; but there is a significant absence of any reference to the 
book in the Jewish and Christian writings preceding this period. Certain 
references in the Mishna imply that there were some rabbis who still 
maintained the natural interpretation of the Song of Songs; but it was 
probably in the end given a place in the canon because of its allegorical 
interpretation and because it was associated with the name of Solomon. 

Under the influence of the allegorizing tendencies current in contemporary 
Greek thought the Jews of Palestine as well as of the dispersion, during the 
centuries immediately preceding and following the beginning of the Chris- 
tian era, were inclined more and more to read into the earlier scriptures 
deeper spiritual meanings. To this tendency the Song of Songs, with its 
fervid Oriental figures and its passionate feeling, readily lent itself. The 
result was that the ingenuity of the Jewish scribes found in it an elaborate 
allegorical history of the relations between Jehovah and his people from 
the days of the exodus to the dawn of the messianic era. Following the 
example of the Jewish scribes, the early Christian Fathers devoted much 
attention to the allegorical interpretation of the Song of Songs. Identify- 
ing Christ with the bridegroom, they regarded the bride as the representa- 
tive either of the Church or else of the soul of the Christian. Huge volumes 
were written by such scholars as Origen, developing this allegorical inter- 
pretation. They remain as monuments to the absurd extreme to which this 
method leads its followers. In later generations it became a favorite occu- 
pation of different commentators to find in it new allegorical meanings. 
Fully a score of these different allegorical theories have been propounded, 
each differing from and confounding all others. The blasphemous absurd- 
ities of some of these allegorical interpretations to-day need no refutation. 

Even during the period when the allegorical method of interpretation 


226 


ORIGIN AND INTERPRETATION OF SONG OF SONGS 


was regnant, saner scholars were found to raise their voices in protest. The 
brilliant and courageous Theodore of Mopsuestia, who connected the song 
with the Egyptian marriage of Solomon, was condemned as a heretic by 
the second council of Constantinople in 553 a.p., and the Church took its 
stand squarely on the allegorical interpretation of the book. It was not 
until the Protestant Reformation had unchained the Bible that scholars 
began again to recognize the natural, naive character of the Song of Songs. 
With the recognition that the Song of Songs was an expression of human 


love between man and woman, two types of dramatic interpretation arose. ; 
According to the one, it is a series of dialogues between King Solomon and P 


his peasant bride. The other dramatic theory found in it three characters: 
the heroine, a beautiful Shulammite maiden; her shepherd lover, to whom 
she remained true; and King Solomon, who sought by promises and flattery 
to win her affections and thus to induce her to remain in his harem. ‘The 
latter theory is still held, but by a diminishing number of interpreters. It 
is alluring because of its highly dramatic theme and the practical moral 
lesson which it sets forth. Its most ardent advocates are forced, however, 
to confess that at many points the interpretation is based upon the ingenious 
suggestions of the interpreters rather than upon any definite data contained 
in the poem itself. Furthermore, the dramatic interpretation assumes the 
Western ideas and customs of love-making and ignores the fixed customs 
and very different ideals with which the Eastern world hedges in the institu- 
tion of marriage. It fails to recognize the fact that the speeches and acts 
which it implies would have been impossible in an ancient Oriental king- 
dom, least of all under a despotic monarch like Solomon. Many of the 
scenes, into which this intricate Western dramatic theory divides the little 
book of eight chapters, do not at the most require more than a minute, if 
publicly presented, and the whole less than half an hour. It assumes that 
_ the concluding chapter records the Shulammite’s farewell to Solomon that 
she may go and wed her shepherd lover; but in the heart of the book (3°-5!) 
there are repeated references to the public wedding ceremony which imply 
that this had already taken place. 

Later studies of the wedding customs that still prevail in Palestine and 
Syria and of the songs that are sung on these festal occasions leave little 
doubt regarding the true character and meaning of the Song of Songs. In 
a famous article published by the German traveller Wettstein, in Bastian’s 
Leitschrift fiir Ethnologie of 1873, a vivid description is given of the wedding 
ceremonies observed by the inhabitants of the regions east of Jordan and in 
the vicinity of Damascus. Before the marriage feast, which is held in the 
evening at the home of the bride’s parents, there are processions and songs. 
The bride, attired in her wedding-garments, with sword in hand, dances 
before the attendant guests, who sing her charms with characteristic Orien- 
tal license. After the wedding there is a seven days’ feast called the King’s 
Week, in which the bride and groom are daily placed upon an improvised 
throne and saluted as king and queen. The king, having captured his 
bride, is acclaimed victor by the attendant guests. Songs are sung in turn 
by the bride and groom and their friends, describing in detail and without 


227 


Its 
natural 
inter- 
preta- 
tion 


Light 
from 
Pales- 
tinian 
wed- 
ding 
customs 


Signif- 
icance 
of the 
historic 
allu- 
sions in 
the Song 
of Songs 


Biblical 
refer- 
ences 
to mar- 
riage 
customs 


Modern 
Pales- 
tinian 
wed- 
ding- 
songs 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


reserve the physical charms of the pretended king and queen. The bride 
is acclaimed the fairest among women and for a brief time she tastes the joys 
of regal pomp. 

This custom evidently explains the otherwise obscure references to Sol- 
omon and the Shulammite. As Budde has truly said, the historic Solomon 
figures no more in the Song of Songs than in the Sermon on the Mount, 
where the lilies are said to be more beautiful than Solomon in all his glory 
(Mt. 67°). He is simply the grand monarch who in later Oriental tradition 
was the superlative type of royal magnificence. Thus in 1° the sunburnt 
Shulammite is likened to the curtains of Solomon; in 3’ the palanquin upon 
which the bridegroom is borne on his wedding-day is called the litter of 
Solomon. In memory of Israel’s early glories the attendants of the 
bride are, in 3, called daughters of Jerusalem and the bridegroom is ad- 
dressed as King Solomon. In 6° the simple love of the bride and groom is 
contrasted with the artificial splendor of Solomon’s harem. In 8! ® the 
bride contentedly compares her humble lot with Solomon’s wealth and 
magnificence. Similarly, the term Shulammite is used interchangeably 
with the phrase the most beautiful of women. It is clearly equivalent to the 
modern title queen that is applied to the peasant bride during her wedding 
week. It was apparently suggested by the story of Abishag the Shulam- 
mite, the fairest maiden of Israel, who was chosen as the consort of David 
in his old age, and whom, later, Adonijah, the king’s oldest son, sought, at 
the cost of his life, to make his bride (I Kgs. 1°, 25-5), The popular story 
regarding Abishag was well calculated to make a profound impression upon 
the minds of the peasants of Palestine. Such passages as 14: ? and 6° imply 
that the heroine of the Song of Songs was for the time treated as a queen. 
In the opening chapter the contrast between the transcendent beauty and 
royal honors attributed to her by her attendants and her own peasant fea- 
tures and simple tastes is the dominant mof?/. 

The Bible contains few references to the details of the ancient Hebrew 
marriage ceremony. ‘The two famous marriages recorded in the Old Tes- 
tament are those of Jacob in Genesis 29 and of Samson in Judges 14. In 
each case the wedding-feast was held in the home of the bride. The culmi- 
nation of the marriage ceremony was the leading home of the bride by the 
bridegroom. From Genesis 29° it may be inferred that the Hebrew bride 
was veiled. Both the bride and the bridegroom were accompanied by attend- 
ant friends. Jeremiah 7% refers to the voice of the bridegroom and _ the 
voice of the bride, implying that in ancient times, as to-day, they joined with 
their friends in the wedding-songs which were then sung. 

Dalman, in his Paldstinischer Diwan, has confirmed and supplemented the 
data earlier collected by Wettstein regarding the Palestinian wedding cus- 
toms. On the day preceding the wedding-feast the bride comes out from 
her home dressed in her wedding-garments, bearing two torches in her hand, 
and sings certain songs in which the attendant maidens and occasionally 
the bridegroom respond or take up the refrain. At certain points one female 
singer joins in and the chorus repeats the verse. Two versions of this ante- 
nuptial bride song or parade song, as it is called, have been preserved (Dal- 

228 


ORIGIN AND INTERPRETATION OF SONG OF SONGS’ 


man, 254-261). The Nazareth version, in which the attendant guests first 
speak, may be translated as follows: 


Attendants : 
March hither, in the name of God, thou Fair One, 
Thou rose in the garden of flowers! 
The carnation blossom, O bride, 
And the jasmin o’ershadow us. 


Stand up. Mount thy throne; 

The doves coo to thee, 

The queen herself ministers to thee, 
Thou Arab maiden, thou fair one! 


Stand up! go into the guest room. 

See, what does thy bridegroom lack! 

O my lord, he increases his wealth 

That he may liberally give thee the purse of gold. 


Bridegroom: 
She went past me with Egyptian earrings, 
All the fish of the sea bestir themselves; 
I will bring thee to my breast, 
And lay thee to sleep on the heavenly bed. 


Attendants : ' 
When they came to bring thee, 
They set thee on the wagon; 
They paid a hundred lira to thy father, O thou bride 
O thou bride, thou fair one! 


Bridegroom: 
Stand up and come to me, 
Thou with the rose red garment, 
By the life of thy distinguished father 
O bride, as thou marchest about. 


4tiendants : 
She puts on the wooden shoes to walk about, 
In order to walk about until she eats at night— 
‘By the life of my father I eat not 
Without a great number of songs.’ 


Bridegroom: 
Remain standing proudly before me, 
O sweet one, thou hast disturbed my mind. 
And the gain—thou art my possession, 
O thou bride, O my eyes! 
229 


Songs 
sung 
by the 
bride’s 
attend- 
ants 


A late 
collec- 
tion of 
Hebrew 
love 
and 
mar- 
riage 
songs 


Sugges- 
tions of 
literary 
unity 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


Attendants : 
The daughter of nobles marches about 
With two kindled torches— 
Rise up. Mount thy high throne, 
By the life of thy esteemed father. 


Bride: 
By the life of my father I go not up 
Without eight maid-servants: 
Two on account of the fashion, 
Two on account of the room, 
Two to loosen my buttons, 
Two for the heavenly bed. 


Similar songs are sung by the attendants when the bride is given to the 
groom and also when the bridegroom receives the bride. ‘The one sung by 
two of the wedding guests when the bride is given to the groom concludes 
with the words: 


When thou goest into the garden of flowers, sittest in thy happiness. 
By God, think of us and we will not forget thee. 


Songs are also sung as the bride dances before the guests. In one song the 
bride sings the first half of the line, as she dances, while the chorus answers 
with the second half. All the attendant guests beat the time by clapping 
their hands. 

These modern wedding customs furnish the key for the interpretation 
of the Song of Songs. Many figures and allusions that are meaningless 
to the Western reader become clear in the light of still existing Oriental 
customs. The Hebrew text, by means of its verbal and pronominal forms, 
also indicates, in nearly every case, the gender of the one addressed. The 
Song of Songs is not a drama but a collection of love and marriage songs 
sung or recited in connection with the different scenes in the ancient Hebrew 
wedding ceremony. Apparently, they are arranged in the same general 
order in which they were used, although many rearrangements have been 
proposed by modern scholars. They were written from the same point of 
view and probably all put in form by the same editor. The presence of 
certain Aramaic, Greek, and Persian words, and the constant use of the 
late form of the Hebrew relative pronoun, indicate that they were probably 
written during the Greek period. 

Their dramatic form may also reflect the influence of contact with Greek 
literature and thought. There are suggestions throughout these songs of 
a certain literary unity. Thus, for example, the bride is repeatedly spoken 
of as a garden (e. g., 41%, 6? °). This figure, however, is still used in the 
modern Arab wedding-songs. It is also found in an ancient Egyptian song 
which a maiden sang to her lover. Here, however, the lover, not the bride, 
is likened to a garden. This Egyptian poem also suggests many other 
points of likeness with the Song of Songs: 


230 


ORIGIN AND INTERPRETATION OF SONG OF SONGS 


I am thy favorite sister, 

And thou art to me as a garden, 

Which I have planted with flowers 

And all kinds of fragrant herbs. 

Fair is the spot, where’er we be, 

If only thy hand is laid upon mine; 
Pensive is our mood and happy our heart, 
Because we are together. 

To hear thy voice is like a draught of wine, 
And to listen to thee is life to me! 

To see thee is better far 

To me than eating and drinking! 


Throughout the Song of Songs the bridegroom is likened to King Solomon 
ana the bride’s attendants are spoken of as the daughters of Jerusalem. 
But this was but a part of the dramatic symbolism which characterizes even 
the modern Palestinian wedding. Another mark of unity is the keen appre- 
ciation of the simple beauties of nature that runs through all the songs. An 
allusion like that in 1° to the bride’s features, browned by the sun because 
of her fife out in the vineyards, is explained in a later song (8). Similar 
refrains recur throughout the book, as, for example, in 2!’, 4°, and 84. The 
following refrain, in slightly variant forms, concludes several of the songs 
(ea BS) 


I adjure you, O daughters of Jerusalem, 
By the gazelles or by the hinds of the field, 
That you stir not up nor awaken love until it please. 


In the opening section (12-35) the bride is apparently in her home sur- 
rounded by her attendant maidens, who are probably aiding her in pre- 
paring foy the coming wedding ceremony. Then she receives a visit from 
her plighted lover. The bride frankly expresses her love and yearnings 
for him and for the joys of marriage, while her attendants at times join 
with her. During the recital the bride recalls certain of the scenes that 
preceded the open plighting of her love, as, for example, in 23-6 817, and 
sings certain songs which are love poems rather than mere wedding-songs. 
Oriental customs give little or no opportunity for the open expression of love 
except on the eve of the wedding ceremony. Then the bride is not only 
free but is expected to express without restraint and in superlative terms 
the character and intensity of the love which she feels for the man who is 
soon to become her husband. In the East, where the parents of the bride 
and groom arrange all the preliminaries of the marriage, this is the Oriental 
equivalent of the Occidental period of courtship. 

The song ix 3°" is evidently sung by the wedding guests and proclaims 
the approach of the bridegroom to his bride. He is likened to Solomon and 
is surrounded wy his male friends who, in keeping with the dramatic repre- 
sentation, are called’ mighty warriors. The song in 4!-5! voices the bride- 


231 


Loves 
songs 


Aim 

of the 
Song of 
Songs 


Its 
charm 
and per- 
manent 
value 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


groom’s praise of his bride and culminates in the public plighting of their 
troth. In the next scene (5?-6*) the bride is apparently again alone with her 
companions, and she describes in characteristic Oriental figures the attrac- 
tions of her lover. In 64-8‘ the attendant guests unite with the bridegroom 
in describing the charms of the bride as she dances before them. This scene 
also concludes with a public avowal of her love. The last scene (8-4) rep- 
resents the culmination of the wedding ceremony, when the bridegroom 
conducts his bride to his home. At the threshold of her new life she pro- 
tests her love for her husband in words unsurpassed for beauty and depth 
of feeling. She also glories in her tested virtue and expresses her content- 
ment with her humble lot. 

The aim of the author of the Song of Songs was evidently to present a 
ritual to be used in the wedding ceremonies that would be both noble and 
chaste. Doubtless he drew his material from the love and wedding songs 
that had long been current among the people of Palestine. Some of them 
may well come from the days preceding the exile, when the memory of the 
glories of Solomon’s kingdom and the story of Abishag the Shulammite, the 
fairest maiden of Israel, were still fresh in the minds of the people. Pos- 
sibly the poet has preserved the songs that were actually sung at a certain 
wedding where he was a guest. ‘There are personal allusions, as, for example, 
in 8°, which favor this conclusion; but in general these songs are generic; 
that is, they are adapted to use at any peasant wedding ceremony. While 
they do not adequately present the sanctity and beauty inherent in our 
modern ideal of marriage, for that ideal was unknown to the East, they do 
extol nobly and exquisitely the sanctity and beauty of true love between 
man and woman. Nowhere in literature has this divine passion been more 
beautifully described than in the words which the bride addresses to her hus- 
band as she enters his home, thereby making complete the marriage relation: 


Love is as strong as death; 
Jealousy is as irresistible as Sheol; 
Its flames are flames of fire, 

A very flame of Jehovah. 

Many waters cannot quench love, 
Nor can floods drown it. 


These songs reflect the naiveté and the passion of the Eastern world and 
the roguishness and simplicity of the early peasant life. The simplicity 
of the country maiden and her contentment with her plain lot stand in 
strong contrast to the fulsome praise heaped upon her by her friends and 
attendants. The description of the charms of the bride and bridegroom 
are characterized by that concreteness and frankness which distinguish the 
Oriental poetry even of to-day from that of the Western world. The trop- 
ical luxury of the figures at times produces a jarring effect upon our Western 
ears, and yet in their descriptions of springtime and in their love of nature 
and of the simple joys of life the poems of the Song of Songs command a 
high place in the world’s literature. While the book lacks the lofty religious 


232 


ORIGIN AND INTERPRETATION OF SONG OF SONGS 


teachings that characterize many of the prophetic writings, its literary 
beauty, its reflection of the life and customs of the early Hebrews, and its 
strong and effective emphasis on the importance of pure and true love be- 
tween man and woman vindicate its place among those marvellous writ- 
ings which aim to deal with every phase of human experience. 


233 


V 
MUSIC AND SONG IN THE TEMPLE SERVICE 


Tue biblical references to music and song in connection with Israel’s 
religion are so few that they leave scores of questions unanswered. The 
Hebrews, however, in their art and material civilization, followed closely 
the example of their more advanced neighbors on the east and west. The 
clearest illustrations of musical instruments that come from the Jewish race 
are found at Rome on the Arch of Titus, which commemorates the destruc- 
tion of the Jewish state; but the, Egyptian, Babylonian, and Assyrian 
monuments contain many suggestive pictures of music and musical instru- 
ments. These are supplemented by references in the inscriptions them- 
selves, so that through the records of these ancient peoples it is possible to 
gain a reasonably definite conception of the place of music among the 
ancient Hebrews. On a tablet of the Sumerian king Urukagina, who lived 
about 3200 B.c., definite provision is made for the salary of his temple sing- 
ers. Far back in the old Egyptian kingdom one of the chief court officials 
was the director of the royal music. Music both in Babylonia and Assyria 
was the almost invariable accompaniment of song. In Egypt the musi- 
cians were men, who ordinarily sang as they played. They were also fre- 
quently accompanied by women, who danced as they sang. In one ancient 
bas-relief the women are represented as playing on castanets and tambou- 
rines. From the famous Tell-el-Amarna letters comes a picture of a harpist 
accompanied by seven blind singers who are clapping their hands in Orien- 
tal fashion in order to mark time. In the tomb of Ramses III, who lived 
about the time of the Hebrew settlement of Canaan, two Egyptian priests 
are represented as playing on beautifully constructed harps with ten to 
twelve strings. The harp appears to have been a native Egyptian instru- 
ment. ‘The lyre—the Egyptian name of which is practically identical with 
the Hebrew—was evidently an importation from Asia. On one Egyptian 
monument a Bedouin, with unmistakable Semitic countenance, is pictured 
playing on a crude lyre. Another famous Egyptian picture portrays an 
ancient orchestra with six players, all of whom are women; a large, standing 
harp with thirteen strings, a lyre, a lute, a smaller harp carried over the 
shoulder, and a double flute can clearly be distinguished. The sixth woman 
is clapping her hands to beat time. A collection of ancient Sumerian and 
Babylonian hymns, originally intended to be used in connection with the 
cult at Ur, contains this suggestive addendum: 


To the temple of the god let us go with a song of petition upon a lyre, 
The psalmists shall sing, 


234 


MUSIC AND SONG IN THE TEMPLE SERVICE 


The psalmists a chant of lordly praise shall sing, 
The psalmists a chant upon a lyre shall sing.* 


On an elaborate Assyrian bas-relief coming from the reign of Ashur- 
banipal, the great patron of art and literature, an orchestra is portrayed 
consisting of twenty-six performers. The instruments include seven port- 
able harps, one dulcimer, two double flutes, and a drum. These instruments 
are all played by men, but the players are accompanied by four women and 
nine children arranged in order of size and all clapping their hands to mark 
time. It is interesting to note that the members of this ancient Semitic 
band are represented in the act of singing, for one woman is compressing 
her throat with her hand, as do the modern Orientals, in order to produce 
the shrill, high tremolo. Another slab in the British Museum pictures 
Semitic captives, possibly Hebrews, playing on lyres as they march in pro- 
cession before an Assyrian soldier. The picture vividly recalls the state- 
ment in Psalm 137! that the Hebrew captives hung their harps on the 
poplars as they sat weeping beside the rivers of Babylon: 


For there our captors demanded of us words of song, 
They who spoiled us commanded, ‘Sing for us a song of Zion.’ 


A few references in the Old Testament suggest the character of the musi- 
cal instruments in use among the Hebrews. In Judges 11* it is stated that 
Jephthah’s daughter came out with tambourines and dances to meet the 
warriors as they returned from their victories over the Ammonites. Accord- 
ing to the ancient story in I Samuel 10° 1°, Saul, after leaving Samuel, met 
a band of prophets with a lyre, a tambourine, a flute, and a harp. Psalm 
150-> contains a summary of the musical instruments later employed by 
the Israelites in connection with their religious services: 


Praise him with the blast of the horn, 
Praise him with the harp and lyre, 
Praise him with the timbrel and dance, 
Praise him with strings and pipe, 
Praise him with sounding cymbals, 
Praise him with clashing cymbals. 


Six instruments are here mentioned by name. The horn, or trumpet, 
mentioned first, was probably one of the earliest musical instruments used 
by the Hebrews. It was simply the ram’s horn adapted to musical use. 
It appears from the references to it that it was used chiefly in announcing 
the beginnings of the year of jubilee and the important festivals. Psalm 
81° 4 reads: 

Blow the trumpet at the new moon, 

At the full moon, on our feast day; 

For it is a statute for Israel, 

An ordinance of the God of Jacob. 


* Langdon, Sum. and Bab. Hymns, 70. 
235 





The 
differ= 
ent 
musical 
instru- 
ments 
used 
by the 
He- 


brews 


Lyre 
and 
harp 


Wind 
instru- 
ments 


Music 
and 

song 

in the 
pre-exilic 
temples 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


Trumpets were also blown by the priest to indicate the different stages in 
the temple service. The two trumpets pictured on the Arch of Titus at 
Rome are straight and long and have flaring, bell-like ends. They were 
probably made of metal. Several instruments of percussion were known 
to the Hebrews. The tambourine, or timbrel, was used in connection with 
the popular dances and in connection with religious music of the most 
joyous character. Psalm 81 begins: 


Sing aloud to God, our strength, 
Shout to the God of Jacob, 

Raise a song and sound the timbrel, 
The pleasant lyre with the harp. 


As among the Egyptians and Babylonians, the lyre and harp were ap- 
parently the favorite instruments. ‘There is no means of determining their 
exact Hebrew form except from the Assyrian bas-reliefs. The two harp- 
like instruments pictured on the late Jewish coins are vase-shaped, with 
three or four vertical strings extending from the base to a cross piece above 
which rests on supports rising on either side. The lyre and the harp were 
used only on joyful occasions, such as feasts and happy religious services. 
The harp among the Hebrews appears to have been consecrated almost 
entirely to worship. In I Chronicles 15° there is a reference to harps set 
to female voices. The same musical direction is found in the superscrip- 
tion to Psalm 46. The implication is that the harp was pitched high and 
used to accompany soprano voices. 

Of the wind instruments, the flute is the most important. Originally it 
was made of reed, but later of wood bored through, as its Hebrew name 
indicates. ‘There were many varieties of flutes. ‘The more primitive had 
only three or four holes while the later appear to have had seven, covering 
the entire octave. The double flute, or Pan’s pipe, was in common use 
among the Babylonians and Egyptians and probably among the Hebrews. 
The more sombre music of the flute was the common accompaniment of 
mourning and of the sadder and more pensive songs. ‘There is a Jewish 
tradition that in the second temple there was a primitive pipe-organ pro- 
vided with a leather bellows and a wind-box with ten openings. Into each 
of these openings a pipe with ten holes was fitted, so that it was possible to 
obtain from the organ one hundred distinct tones. Inasmuch as the hy- 
draulic organ was discovered by Ctesibias about 250 B.c., it is possible that 
some such organ was used in the later temple. 

The picture of the Egyptian priests playing on harps implies that musical 
instruments were used by the people of the Nile in connection with their 
religious services. During the days of the new empire one of the chief 
functions of the Egyptian queen was to lead the female singers in the ritual. 
In Babylonia and Assyria most of the musicians appear to have been priests. 
The few allusions in the pre-exilic Old Testament records imply that from 
the earliest times both music and song played an important part in the 
religious life of the people. The band of prophets who were prophesying, 


236 


MUSIC AND SONG IN THE TEMPLE SERVICE 


that is, probably giving expression to their ecstasy in song to the accom- 
paniment of lyre, tambourine, and harp, were coming from the high place 
where they had evidently been worshipping. The ancient record in II 
Samuel 6" states that David was dancing (probably whirling) before Jehovah 
with all his might, as he with all Israel brought the ark of Jehovah to Jeru- 
salem with shouting and the sound of the trumpet. Elisha, according to 
II Kings 3", in order to prophesy, called for a minstrel, for whenever the min- 
strel played the power of Jehovah came upon him. The most significant 
statement is that of the prophet Amos, as he preached, probably on a festal 
occasion at the royal sanctuary at Bethel: 


Banish from me the noise of your songs, 
For to the melody of your lyres I will not listen. (5”.) 


Lamentations 2” also contains the important statement: 


The foreign conquerors have made a din in Jehovah’s house as in the day of 
solemn assembly. 


Clearly, music and song were both used by the Hebrews of the pre-exilic 
period in connection with their temple worship, but there is no evidence 
that there was a special class of singers. Ezekiel, in his elaborate descrip- 
tion of the temple officials and of the temple itself, makes no reference to 
them or to any special provision for this part of the ritual. It is even more 
significant that the detailed laws of the Pentateuch contain no references 
to temple singers or to their support. The natural conclusion, therefore, 
is that there was no special class but that the singing at the pre-exilic 
Hebrew sanctuaries was voluntary and that the assembled worshippers 
as a whole participated in it. The simple music required was probably, as 
in Egypt and Babylonia, supplied by the priests of each sanctuary. 

Isaiah 30° *, although post-exilic, suggests the nature of the early song 
services in connection with the temple: 


A song shall you have on your lips, as on a night when a feast is celebrated. 
And you shall have gladness of heart like the one who sets forth with a flute 
To go to the Mount of Jehovah, to the Rock of Israel. 


In the traditional account of the transfer of the ark to Jerusalem in the days 
of David the author of I Chronicles 15!%-*4 has given a vivid picture of the 
musical customs in vogue at least during the Greek period when he lived: 
So the singers Heman, Asaph and Ethan, were to sound aloud on cymbals of 
brass, while other singers played on lyres set to female voices ... and with 
harps set to the octave to lead. . . . And certain other priests blew the trumpet 
before the ark of God. In its poetic paraphrase of this tradition Psalm 68%; * 
completes the picture: 


They have seen thy procession, O Jehovah, 

The processions of my God, my King to the sanctuary; 
The singers went before; behind the musicians; 

In the midst maidens playing on timbrels. 


237 


Nature 
of the 
song 
service 


The 
music 
of the 
second 
temple 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


In the original text preserved in I Esdras 4° it is stated that the exiles who 
returned after their liberation by Cyrus praised the God of their fathers . . . and 
exulted seven days with music and rejoicing. The fiftieth chapter of Ben 
Sira contains the most detailed picture of the post-exilic temple service, 
probably as it was observed on the day of atonement: 


Then shouted the sons of Aaron, 

They blew on the trumpets of beaten work, 

They blew and sent forth a mighty blast, 

As a remembrance before the Most High. 

Then all the people together hasted, 

They fell down with their faces to the ground, 

To worship their Lord, the Almighty God, Most High. 
The singers also praised him with their voices; 

In the whole house was there made sweet melody. (3*38.) 


From these vivid descriptions and from the nature of the instruments 
used in connection with the Hebrew worship it is possible to draw certain 
definite inferences regarding the character of the music used in the services 
of the second temple. The music employed by the Jews to-day throws 
little light on the problem, for it has preserved few, if any, of the old mel- 
odies. The instruments employed and the musical terms used in the psalms 
indicate that Hebrew music was strident and noisy. Harmony in our mod- 
erm sense was apparently unknown, even as it is to the Turks and Persians 
and Arabs to-day. This does not mean that Hebrew music was necessarily 
dissonant. A modern Arab chorus almost always sings in unison. ‘The 
melody is not appreciated by an Occidental because it is rhythmical rather 
than harmonious. II Chronicles 5 contains the suggestive statement: Both 
the trumpeters and the singers were as one, making one sound to praise Jehovah. 
This probably means that the trumpeters all played together on the same 
note during the pauses, while the voices sang the air in unison. ‘The super- 
scriptions to a few of the psalms suggest that the melody was sometimes 
reduplicated in octaves. As a matter of fact, the octave was known at a 
very early period. The religious scale was probably diatonic, each song 
being sung on one prevailing key. The pauses were determined by the 
sense of the passage. Unlike our modern chants, interpretation of the 
ideas was the chief end sought and the melody was entirely secondary. The 
monotony was still further relieved by the introduction of antiphonal or 
alternating choruses. Unfortunately, the directions regarding the change 
of speakers or choruses, if they ever existed, have been lost, so that it is 
necessary to infer from the contents of the psalms themselves how the dif- 
ferent parts were intended to be rendered. Like the weird, fascinating 
music which is still used by certain Mohammedan sects in connection with 
their religious services, the music and songs of the ancient Hebrews un- 
doubtedly made a powerful emotional impression upon the worshippers. 
Unlike some of our complicated modern music, it never concealed but ever 
aided in revealing the thoughts and feelings which it was intended to inter- 


238 


MUSIC AND SONG IN THE TEMPLE SERVICE 


pret, and thus served to establish the sense of a close, intimate relation be- 
tween the worshippers and their God. 

The prominence given to the temple singers by later Judaism is an index 
of the popular appreciation of the important place held by music and song 
in the ritual. The history of the temple singers is enveloped in much ob- 
security. The chief sources of information are (1) the superscriptions to 
the psalms, (2) the testimony of the author of Chronicles, who was himself 
a temple singer and intensely interested in this class, and (3) the data found 
in the later Jewish writings. One of the older groups of songs in the Psalter 
(42-49) is dedicated to the sons of Korah. These were apparently a guild 
of temple singers, called the sons of Korah, even as the early Hebrew priests 
were called the sons of Levi and the prophetic guilds the sons of the prophets. 
Another group of psalms, apparently coming from a little later period, are 
similarly dedicated to the sons of Asaph. ‘Two later psalms (88, 89) are 
associated with the names of Heman and Ethan. The implication, therefore, 
of these superscriptions is that the oldest group of singers bore the name 
sons of Korah and that the other guilds came into existence, or at least into 
prominence, at later periods. This conclusion is in general confirmed by 
the writings of the Chronicler. In his version of the census of the Judean 
community, found in Ezra 2" and the parallel passage in Nehemiah 7*4 and 
also in Nehemiah 11”, the temple singers are known simply as the sons of 
Asaph. These lists apparently represent conditions in the Judean com- 
munity during the latter part of the Persian and the earlier part of the Greek 
periods. There is no evidence that the temple singers were originally drawn 
from the ranks of the Levites. Their membership in the musical guilds 
probably depended upon their inclinations and ability. In Nehemiah 10% 
they are ranked side by side with the porters and temple servants. 

In the days of the Chronicler, however (circa 250 B.c.), the older guild 
of the sons of Korah had apparently disappeared and are represented sim- 
ply by the sub-guild of Heman. This is directly implied by the Chronicler 
in I Chronicles 63-87, where he makes Heman a descendant of Korah. It is 
also confirmed by the superscription to Psalm 88, which is classified as a psalm 
of the sons of Korah; but in the latter part of the superscription it is also 
designated as a Maskil of Heman the Ezrahite. Why the sons of Korah 
lost their prestige must remain a question of conjecture. According to I 
Chronicles 919 and 26! 19 and elsewhere in the writings of the Chronicler 
the Korahites were simply doorkeepers and guardians of the temple. Pos- 
sibly the late priestly story in Numbers 16 regarding the rebellion of the 
Korahites and of the signal judgment that overtook them is the late tra- 
ditional record of a rebellion of this guild of temple singers against the regular 
priests. These were designated in post-exilic days as the sons of Aaron, 
that is, the guild of priests that guarded the ark (Hebrew 8 ark). In 
II Chronicles 20!°, however, the Chronicler speaks of the Korahites as 
singers, but he assigns their activity to an early period in Israel’s history, 
thus confirming the conclusions already drawn: In the days of Jehoshaphat 
the Levites of the sons of the Kohathites and of the sons of the Korahites stood up 
to praise Jehovah the God of Israel with an exceedingly loud voice. 


239 


History 
of the 
temple 
singers 


For- 
tunes 
of the 
sons of 


Korah 


Position 


Greek 
periods 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


The Chronicler also identifies the three guilds of temple singers of his 
day with the Levites and in his characteristic way traces their appointment 
to the days of David. Thus I Chronicles 15! 1” reads: David also commanded 
the chief of the Levites to appoint their kinsmen the singers with instruments of 
music, lyres, harps, and cymbals, who should raise shouts of rejoicing, So the 
Levites appointed Heman, the son of Joel; and of his kinsmen Asaph, the son 
of Berechia and of the sons of Merart, their kinsman, Ethan, the son of Kushaiah. 
These data indicate rather clearly the history of the temple singers during 
the Persian and Greek periods. ‘The absence of any reference to them in 
contemporary writings and in the Pentateuch imply that they did not be- 
come prominent until the latter part of the Persian period after Nehemiah 
had restored the walls of Jerusalem and the priestly law associated with 
Ezra had been instituted. Their growing prominence was one of the results 
of the emphasis which the late priestly law and the leaders of the Judean 
community placed upon the temple and its ritual. It is contemporaneous 
with the growth of the Psalter and the increasing importance of the song 
service. The guild of the Korahites appears to have flourished during the 
middle and latter part of the Persian period and to have been originally 
distinct from the priests and Levites. Before the close of the Persian period 
the sons of Asaph succeeded, in part, at least, to the position and prestige at 
first held by the sons of Korah. Possibly the sons of Asaph, as the Chron- 
icler states, were enlisted from the Levites. Their non-Levitical origin 
may explain why the sons of Korah were gradually set aside, so that by the 
days of the Chronicler they had no part in the song service of the temple. 
At least it is certain that by the middle of the Greek period the three con- 
temporary guilds of singers known as the sons of Asaph, of Heman, and of 
Ethan or Jeduthun (I Chr. 25! ®) were classified as Levites and were in 
charge of the song service of the temple. The presence of three guilds also 
indicates the growing numbers and importance of this class of temple servants. 
In I Chronicles 24!-!9 and 25 the Chronicler states that, like the priests, they 
had become so numerous that they were divided into twenty-four courses 
and that each course ministered in turn at the temple while the others re- 
turned to their homes and turned their attention to other occupations. The 
rapidly increasing importance of music and of the singer class illustrates 
forcibly the growing emphasis which later Judaism placed upon the ritual 
and upon the expression of religion in public worship. ‘The next step in 
Jewish thought was by analogy to transfer this elaborate system of song 
service from earth to heaven and to think of God himself as surrounded 
by choirs of angelic singers ever chanting his praises. Thus the dominant 
ritualistic tendency of later Judaism transformed and reshaped human be- 
liefs regarding the ways in which God should be served not only on earth 
but also in the life beyond death. 


240 


Vi 


THE LITERARY AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE 
PSALTER 


Mopern discovery and research have demonstrated that at least two 
millenniums of intense human struggle and earnest religious thought lie back 
of the Hebrew Psalter. Centuries before the days of Moses and David the 
ancient Sumerians, Egyptians, and Babylonians developed a hymnology 
that in volume and literary form, if not in spirit and content, was startlingly 
like that of the Hebrews. In one ancient inscription the titles of over one 
hundred Sumerian and Babylonian hymns are given. ‘These ancient hymns 
for public service were classified according to the musical instruments that 
were to be used with them. Some were to be sung with the flute, some 
with the lyre, and others probably with the bagpipe. The poetic structure 
of these ancient hymns is also clearly indicated on the clay inscriptions. 
As in modern poetry, each succeeding line begins anew at the left of the 
page. Where longer metres are employed, the pause in the middle of each 
line is also marked. 

A few of the older Sumerian hymns strike noble chords. The most sig- 
nificant are the hymns and prayers addressed to Enlil, the old god of Nip- 
pur. One opens with the significant words: 


O Enlil, counsellor, doth any one comprehend thy form ? 
The strength-begifted lord of the harvest lands, 

Created in the mountains, lord of the grain-fields, 
Warrior who possesseth great strength, father Enlil, 
Thou art the powerful prince of the gods, 

For creating posterity thou sustainest life, 

As the air, thou art all-pervading. 


Another psalm which is really a lament addressed to Enlil begins: 


O honored one, relent, behold thy city! 
O exalted and honored one, relent, behold thy city ! 
O lord of the lands, relent, behold thy city ! 

O lord of unerring word, relent, behold thy city. 
Enlil, father of Sumer, relent, behold thy city! 


The little ones perish, the great ones perish, 
Her booty the dogs defile, 
241 


The old 
Sume- 
rian 
hym- 
nology 


Hymns 
to 
Enlil 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


Her pillage the rude foe defiles, 
In her banqueting hall the wind revels. 


A large number of hymns sung to the gods have come down from the be- 
ginnings of Egyptian history. ‘The crowning product of this wide-spread 
tendency to worship the gods with song and musical accompaniment is the 
famous hymn in praise of Aton by the great reforming king Amenhotep IV. 
It opens with the majestic passage: 


Thy dawning is beautiful in the horizon of heaven, 

O living Aton, beginning of life! 

When thou risest in the eastern horizon of heaven, 

Thou fillest every land with thy beauty; 

For thou art beautiful, great, glittering, high over the earth; 
Thy rays, they encompass the lands, even all thou hast made. 
Thou art Re, and thou hast carried them all away captive, 
Thou bindest them by thy love. 

Though thou art afar, thy rays are on earth, 

Though thou art on high, thy footprints are the day. 


The hymn then goes on to describe night and darkness and the god’s care 
for men and animals in language strikingly parallel to that of Psalm 104. 
(Cf. § 95.) After picturing the creation of man and the animals the poem 
continues: 


How manifold are thy works! 

They are hidden from before us, 

O thou sole god, whose powers no other possesseth, 
Thou didst create the earth according to thy desire, 
While thou wast alone: 

Men, all cattle large and small, 

All that are upon the earth, 

That go about upon their feet; 

All that are on high, 

That fly with their wings. 


The poem concludes with an ardent prayer by the king in his own behalf: 


Thou art in my heart, 

There is no other that knoweth thee, 
Save thy son Ikhnaton; 

Thou hast made him wise in thy designs, 
And in thy might.* 


Most of the Egyptian hymns are trivial and repetitious. After the re- 
markable burst of reforming activity under Amenhotep IV, little religious 





‘* Breasted, Hist. of Egypt, 371-5. 
Q42 


LITERARY AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE PSALTER 


progress is discernible. The later poems become mere repetitions of the 
ancient hymns or else tiresome liturgies. As in art and literature, so in the 
praise of the gods, the Egyptians reached their zenith long before the begin- 
nings of Israel’s history. It is not improbable that the prominence given 
to the song service of the Egyptians exerted a certain influence on the 
Jewish worshippers at the Yahu temple, which stood for generations in the 
city of Elephantine, only a few yards away from a famous Egyptian shrine. 
In the sacred city of Memphis and in other great cities of Egypt there were 
ample opportunities for the Egyptmans to exert at least an indirect influence 
upon the imitative Jews of the dispersion. With the possible exception, 
however, of the one hundred and fourth Psalm, it is impossible to trace a 
direct transference of Egyptian thought to the Jewish Psalter. The incon- 
testable superiority of the Hebrew psalms to those which come from the 
land of the Nile speak conclusively against such a transfer. 

The history of the development of Babylonian and Assyrian hymnology 
is in many ways closely parallel to that among the Egyptians: the older 
hymns are the nobler; the later are little more than repetitions or slavish 
imitations of the older models. ‘The same hymns were sung as late as 200 
B.C. in practically the same form as in the days of Hammurabi, who lived 
nearly two thousand years earlier. Of these ancient psalms the hymns to 
Shamash, the sun-god, are the noblest. In one he is addressed as follows: 


The law of mankind dost thou direct, 

Eternally just in the heavens art thou, 

Of faithful judgment towards all the world art thou; 
Thou knowest what is right, thou knowest what is wrong. 


O Shamash! Supreme judge, great lord of all the world art thou! 
Lord of creation, merciful one of the world art thou! 

O Shamash! on this day purify and cleanse the king, the son of his god; 
Whatever is evil within him, let it be taken out. 


e a 


Elsewhere the chief god of Babylon is thus addressed: 


Powerful Marduk, whose anger is a destroying flood. 
Who reconciled is like a merciful father, 

I am oppressed by prayers without reply; 

Wails unheard depress me. 


Sometimes these psalms or petitions are in dialogue form: first the priest 
presents the cause of the petitioner and then the petitioner himself speaks. 
In all of them there is much repetition, which reveals their liturgical purpose. 
They also contain references to their use in connection with the great feasts, 
as, for example, that of the New Year. Upon the Jewish exiles living in 
Babylon these elaborate services must have made a profound impression 
and must have emphasized the tendency, already strong, to develop this 
243 


Influ- 
ence 

of the 
Egyptian 
hymns 
upon the 
Psalter 


Baby- 
lonian 
and 
Assyrian 
hymns 


Psalms 
in the 
pre- 
exilic 
Hebrew 
temple 


Different 
types of 
psalms 


The 
Davidic 
titles 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


form of the ritual in connection with the second temple. Occasional echoes 
of the ancient Sumerian and Babylonian hymns may be traced in the He- 
brew Psalter, but for the most part the older hymnology is cold and barren 
compared with the fervent songs later sung by the worshippers of Jehovah. 

Distinct references, like that in Amos 5*%’, to the songs sung in the temple 
at Bethel, and, in Lamentations 2’, to the din on the day of solemn as- 
sembly, leave little doubt that the Hebrews, even before the exile, chanted 
songs at their sanctuaries on the great feast-days. In certain of the pre- 
exilic prophetic books, as, for example, Jeremiah 91’-” and 127-", are found 
lyrical poems which in form and content closely resemble many of the 
individual psalms found in the first part of the Psalter. Concerning the 
nature of the psalms sung in connection with pre-exilic temples there is 
no clear evidence. Amos appears to have regarded them with disfavor. 
Whether or not any of them are still preserved in the Psalter must be de- 
termined from a detailed study of the individual psalms. 

The superscriptions of the individual psalms contain certain suggestions 
regarding the history of Old Testament hymnology. The oldest Hebrew 
designation of a lyric poem (shir) is usually translated song. It is used 
to describe the joyous songs in Genesis 31?’, Isaiah 5!, 309, the triumphal 
ode chanted by the Hebrew women after the great victory under the leader- 
ship of Deborah and Barak (Judg. 5), and the love-songs in the Song of 
Songs. It also describes the songs sung at drunken revels (Is. 24°). In 
every case it is the designation of joyous songs sung probably with musical 
accompaniments. This meaning is also implied by the Greek equivalent 
psalmos (from which comes the English word psalm), which means a song 
sung to the accompaniment of a harp or some stringed instrument. ‘This 
title is borne by a group of psalms which appear to be among the oldest in 
the Psalter. As the title implies, they are especially adapted to liturgical 
use. Seven psalms bear the title Miktam, which probably means chosen. 
All of them are ascribed to David and most of them are relatively early. 
Their noble style and strong emotion confirm the popular interpretation of 
this term. Fifty-seven psalms bear the title Mizmor. The derivation of 
this term is not certain, but it probably means prime, that is, psalms selected 
for use, possibly, in the synagogue. Thirteen psalms bear the title Maskul, 
which comes from the common Hebrew verb meaning to ponder, to meditate. 
The contents of these meditations indicate that most of them come from 
the circle of the wise. Their contents also suggest that they are compar- 
atively late. These different titles clearly indicate that the Psalter consists 
of collections of psalms which come from different periods and from different 
groups of writers. 

A secona group of superscriptions represents the later traditions regarding 
the authorship of individual psalms or gives the names of famous characters 
in Israel’s history to which they were ascribed. Seventy-four psalms in 
the Hebrew Bible bear the title To David. In the Greek version many other 
psalms are ascribed to Israel’s early poet king. The meaning of this title 
has been differently interpreted. It is exceedingly doubtful if the Hebrew 
preposition fo was ever used before the exile to designate authorship. In 

244 


LITERARY AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE PSALTER 


Isaiah 38°, which is probably post-exilic, it is used to describe a poem attrib- 
uted to Hezekiah. From the beginning of the exile the use of this term 
to indicate possession became increasingly prominent. The Sidonian coins 
bear a similar inscription: To the Sidonians. The closest analogy to the 
title To David is the inscription, To the Sons of Korah, borne by Psalms 
42-49, or the title To Asaph (e. g., Ps. 50). Clearly this title does not mean 
that these psalms were written by members of these guilds of singers but 
rather that they were either dedicated to them or written for their use. 
Hence the title To David must mean either a psalm dedicated to David or 
else one of a collection of songs made by a guild of singers who bore the 
historic designation David. The contents of these seventy-four so-called 
Davidic psalms leaves no doubt that the majority, if not all of them, were 
written long after the days of David. This fact lends probability to the 
conclusion that the title Psalm to David, like the corresponding terms 
Proverbs of Solomon and Law of Moses, was used to designate an early 
literary production the exact authorship of which was unknown, but which 
was by current tradition attributed to the traditional patron of this type 
of literature. 

That the tendency in time became strong to attribute all lyric poetry 
to David is confirmed not only by the title but also by the epilogue to Psalm 
72: The Prayers of Jesse the Son of David are ended. The same tendency 
gave rise to the third type of superscription which connects individual 
psalms with incidents in the life of the great king. Thirteen such super- 
scriptions are found. These historical notes are based on the narratives 
in I and II Samuel after these books had received their final Deuteronomic 
redaction. ‘They cannot, therefore, be earlier than the exile. It is possible 
that they were added by the editor who collected the so-called Davidic col- 
lection of psalms. They are scattered throughout the Psalter, beginning 
with the third psalm and concluding with Psalm 142. 

A third type of superscription consists of the musical directions attached 
to certain psalms. Most of them are found in connection with the psalms 
inscribed to the musical director, and they were clearly intended to facil- 
itate the use of the psalms in the synagogue or temple service. Of these 
musical directions there are two types: (1) those designating the voice and 
(2) those indicating the tone or melody. Under the first class several, as 
in I Chronicles 15°, bear the title For maidens, that is, for soprano or 
falsetto voices. Two others (6, 12) have a musical direction that recurs in 
I Chronicles 157. It probably means on the octave, or the lower octave. 
The designations of tone or melody apparently consist of the opening word 
or words of a popular song introduced by the phrase in accordance with. 
Thus, Psalm 56 was to be sung to the same tune as the popular song, The 
Silent Dove of Them Who Are Afar Off. The superscription to Psalms 45, 69, 
and 80 is probably to be translated, My Testimony 1s a Beautiful Anemone. 
The melody of Psalm 22 bears the picturesque title Hind of the Dawn. 
The difficulties which later translators found in interpreting these super- 
scriptions is shown by the wide variations in the renderings. In the light 
of the Greek and Syriac, the superscriptions of Psalms 8, 81, and 84 should 


245 


The 

ten- 
dency 

to attrib= 
ute all 
psalms 
to David 


Musical 
direc- 
tions 


The im- 
mediate 
histor- 
ical 
back- 
ground 
of the 
Psalter 


Hopes 
that 
centred 
about 
the 
rebuild- 
ing 

of the 
temple 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


probably be rendered, For the Wine Presses, but this is rendered by the Tar. 
gum, The Harp which David Brought to Gath. 

The final proofs regarding the date of individual psalms and, therefore, 
of the growth of the Psalter are the literary characteristics, the historical 
allusions, and the spirit and thought of each psalm; but the analogies in 
the development of hymnology in other religions, the occasional references 
in the Hebrew writings outside the Psalter, and the testimony of the super- 
scriptions indicate beyond doubt that the growth of Israel’s lyric literature 
was gradual and culminated in the four centuries following the destruction 
of Jerusalem. The immediate historical background of the majority of 
the psalms was clearly a period of crisis and persecution. Like the earliest 
Christian hymns, they were cast in the furnace of affliction. Recent dis- 
covery and biblical research have given us a new and increasingly definite 
knowledge of the four centuries and a half that followed the destruction of 
Jerusalem in 586 B.c. For the faithful Jew it was a period of intense and 
protracted agony relieved only by a few brief intervals of peace and pros- 
perity. The sack of their temple and* capital city, the flight of many refu- 
gees to Egypt, and the deportation of their political and spiritual leaders 
to Babylonia left the Jewish people dismembered and crushed. In the 
words of the author of Lamentations 41+ }; 


They wandered as blind men through the streets, polluted with blood; 
That men might not touch them they drew aside their garments: 
“Unclean!’ they cried to them, ‘ Depart, do not touch.’ 


Sadly he wails: 


Our eyes still fail in looking, for help that is unavailing, 
In our watching we have watched in vain for a nation that does not help. 


The Jews, however, through the ages have always proved a race of opti- 
mists. Even the disaster of 586 B.c. could not crush them. Gradually 
their hope kindled and centred in the survivors of the house of David. 
Refugees came back to build their hovels on the ruins of Jerusalem and a 
simple ritual was instituted on the desecrated temple site. The conquest 
of Babylon by Cyrus in 538 B.c. brought to the Jews of Palestine religious 
liberty and possibly inspired a handful of the exiles to come back from dis- 
tant Babylonia. In 520 Haggai and Zechariah fired the zeal of the poverty- 
stricken remnant that remained in Palestine to rebuild the ruined walls of 
the ancient temple and to revive the sacrifices. The news of the mighty 
revolutions that shook the Persian Empire at the beginning of the reign of 
Darius led the temple builders to hope, though in vain, for the restoration 
of their former independence and glory under the rule of their governor, 
Zerubbabel, the surviving representative of the house of David. It was 
one of the rare moments in post-exilic history when Israel’s earlier mes- 
sianic hopes burst into a flame; but that flame was quickly extinguished 
when the rule of Darius was firmly established throughout the Persian 

246 


LITERARY AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE PSALTER 


Empire. Zerubbabel was probably banished or put to death. The high 
priest under a Persian governor became henceforth the civil as well as the 
religious head of the Jewish people. 

The seventy years which followed were among the darkest and most 
discouraging in all of Israel’s history. They are recorded not in the annals but 
in the lyrics of the Old Testament. When Nehemiah came to Palestine in 
445 B.c. he found the Jewish community the helpless victim of the pitiless 
attacks of its heathen neighbors. Worse still, he found the mass of the peo- 
ple robbed of their hereditary estates and enslaved by their heartless rulers. 
It was a period when fidelity to Jehovah and to his demands was rewarded 
by poverty and persecution and the taunts of those who, like Job’s friends, 
held to the old dogma that misfortune and suffering were the inevitable 
proofs of sin and divine displeasure. It is probable that out of this period 
of anguish come the two noblest products of Israel’s immortal genius, the 
book of Job and the rhapsodies of Isaiah 40-55. Faith, which, though 
crushed to earth, rose to heaven, was invincible. Apparently, it was the II 
Isaiah’s peerless ideal of the suffering servant of Jehovah that kindled the 
zeal of the youthful Nehemiah in distant Susa and thus set in motion forces 
which not only resulted in the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem but also 
in the transformation of the ideals and life of Judaism. 

The period which followed the work of Nehemiah was one of prosperity 
and confidence and exultation for the Jews of Palestine. It is clearly the 
background of many of the most beautiful psalms in the Psalter. Through 
the dark, gloomy valley Jehovah had led his people forth unharmed, and now 
as their divine host set before them a rich table in the presence of their 
enemies. During the closing years of the Persian period the avenging 
armies of the bloody Artaxerxes Ochus traversed Palestine. How far they 
afflicted the Jews and left their mark upon the Psalter is not entirely clear. 
At about the same time the feud between Jew and Samaritan began to dis- 
tort and embitter the spirit of these two kindred yet alien peoples. 

The conquest of Palestine by Alexander the Great, 332 B.c., did not ma- 
terially affect the fortunes of the Judean community but it greatly broad- 
ened their intellectual horizon. Many Jews followed in the wake of 
Alexander’s conquests or else were attracted to the great cities of the eastern 
Mediterranean, and especially to Egypt, by the unusual opportunities of- 
fered them for commerce and trade. Flourishing Greek colonies on the 
borders of Syria and in Palestine itself brought the Jews into close contact 
with the alluring life and culture of Greece. The psalms of the Greek period 
show the influence of this broader outlook which came through contact with 
Greek thought and civilization. Joel, who lived during the latter part of 
the Persian period, is the last Old Testament prophet whose name we know. 
Henceforth the wise men, or sages, filled the place formerly occupied by the 
prophets. Unlike the earlier prophets who spoke to the nation, they ad- 
dressed their teachings to the individual. Recognizing the great value of 
the lyric as a form of teaching, they presented the results of their thought 
and experience not only in proverbs but in psalms. Like the prophets and 
priests, they made a profound impression upon the Psalter. 


QT 


The 

seventy 
years of 
distress 


Closing 
years 
of the 
Persian 
period 


The 
Greek 
period 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


During the century and a half following the death of Alexander the Jews 
of Palestine were in turn courted or conquered by the Ptolemies of Egypt 
or by the Seleucid rulers of Syria. Finally, about 200 B.c., they came 
under the permanent control of Syria. During the next half century Greek 
ideas and culture made alarming inroads upon Judaism. At last the reign- 
ing high priests themselves became ardent Hellenists. Finally, however, 
the bitter persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes aroused the slumbering 
loyalty of the Jewish race. The blood of its martyrs fired the zeal of the 
aged priest Mattathias and his brave sons, and Israel entered upon its second 
great, heroic age. The valiant deeds of Saul and David were repeatedly 
eclipsed on hard-fought battle-fields. The faith and swords of Judas and his 
followers ultimately won not only religious freedom but also political inde- 
pendence. 

‘The three great crises that have left their indelible stamp upon the Psalter 
are (1) the destruction of Jerusalem in 586, (2) the seventy years of dis- 
couragement and petty persecution which followed the disillusionment of 
those who rebuilt the second temple, and (3) the bitter Maccabean struggle. 
The brighter, more joyous periods were (1) the few short years between 520 
and 516 B.c. when the temple was being rebuilt, (2) the period of hopeful- 
ness and rejoicing following the work of Nehemiah in 445, (3) the com- 
paratively calm though less joyous Greek period, and (4) the confident, 
exultant, warlike age inaugurated by the brilliant victories of Judas Mac- 
cabeus. 


248 


vil 
THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF THE PSALTER 


Tue Psalter in its present form is divided into five divisions or books. 
These are 1-41, 42-72, 73-89, 90-106, and 107-150. Each of these divisions 
is marked by a concluding doxology. Psalm 150 in itself constitutes the 
closing doxology. The first three divisions are natural and apparently 
mark successive stages in the early growth of the Psalter. The division 
between 106 and 107 is arbitrary, for Psalms 104-107 are in theme a literary 
unit. This fivefold division is the work either of the final editor of the Psal- 
ter or else of some later reviser. Its aim was probably to divide the Psalter 
into five divisions corresponding to the five books of the law. It empha- 
sizes, however, the fact that the Psalter is made up of smaller collections 
and that, like the book of Proverbs, it grew gradually as the result of bring- 
ing different collections together. Chapter 1, which constitutes a general 
introduction, like the introduction to the book of Proverbs (1-9), is probably 
one of the latest additions to the book. Its didactic character reflects the 
thought of the later wise and of their successors the scribes. 

The oldest collection of psalms in the Psalter is clearly the so-called first 
Davidie collection found in 2-41. Psalm 10, which lacks the title To 
David, was once the second half of an acrostic of which the first is found 
in 9, The title of Psalm 33 is also lacking except in the Greek version. 
Its contents indicate that it was later inserted in this earlier collection. 
Another Davidic collection is found in 51-72. At the close of this collection 
is found the significant note, following an elaborate doxology: The prayers 
of David, the son of Jesse, are ended. ‘This postscript lends force to the sug- 
gestion, made long ago by Ewald, that the first Davidie collection was once 
followed immediately by the second contained in 51-72. If this recon- 
struction be adopted it also solves another problem, for at present Psalm 
50, which is dedicated to Asaph, is separated from the other Asaph psalms 
in 73-83 by the second Davidic collection (51-72). This restoration brings 
together the two great collections of psalms attributed to the temple sing- 
ers, the sons of Korah and the sons of Asaph. The general character and 
contents of the second Davidic collection confirms the conclusion that they 
come from the same general point of view and from a little later period than 
those in the first collection. 

The evidence is reasonably convincing that the majority of the sixty-two 
psalms in these Davidic collections (2-41, 51-72) were written during the 
first half of the Persian period or earlier and that the first collection was 
made soon after the work of Nehemiah and the priestly reforms associated 


249 


The five 
great 
divisions 
of the 
Psalter 


The two 
Davidic 
collec= 
tions 


Their 
date 


The 
Korahite 
psalms 


The 
psalms 
of the 
sons of 
Korah 


The 
Hallel 
psalms 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


with Ezra. The literary style of these psalms is vigorous and free from the 
Aramaisms and artificialities which characterize many of the psalms in the 
latter part of the Psalter. They contain few liturgical formulas and most 
of them are written from the individual or class point of view. In general 
they reflect the events following the Babylonian exile and the life of a poor, 
struggling community surrounded by merciless oppressors. ‘The teachings 
of the pre-exilic prophets, and especially Jeremiah (e. g., Ps. 16 and 39), 
have made a profound impression upon the minds of the psalmists. The 
chief problems are those of Lamentations and of Isaiah 40-66, with which 
writings these psalms have many points of contact. They reveal the suf- 
ferings and the hopes of the afflicted during the days preceding the appear- 
ance of Nehemiah as well as the confidence and optimism that burst out 
after his advent. The editor or editors who collected them were probably 
inspired to do so by the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem, the revival of 
the Judean community, and the extension of the temple service which re- 
sulted from the work of that great Jewish layman. The fact that Psalm 
14 is reproduced in 53 and 31!* in 71!% suggests that the second collection, 
51-72, was made independently and a little later, possibly near the close of 
the Persian or early in the Greek period. 

Psalms 42-49 bear the superscription, To the Sons of Korah. Inasmuch 
as these were the chief guild of singers at the Jerusalem temple during the 
middle and latter part of the Persian period, and were later supplanted by 
the guilds of Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun, it is probable that the collection 
of Korahite psalms comes from the same period. This dating is confirmed 
by their contents. The problem of innocent suffering still rests heavily 
upon the psalmists, but the earlier sense of guilt is lacking, even as in the 
contemporary prophecy of Joel. The literary style is vigorous and highly 
poetic. The liturgical form as well as the title of these psalms indicates that 
most of them were written for use in the temple service. The eight Korahite 
psalms (42-49) were probably added to the earlier Davidic collections about 
the beginning of the Greek period. 

In the second half of the Psalter the indications of historical growth are 
indistinct. The titles point to the work of a final editor who combined 
many smaller collections. The third general division opens with a collec- 
tion of eleven psalms, 73-83, to which should be added Psalm 50, which in the 
process of editorial revision had been separated from them. These are all 
dedicated to the sons of Asaph, who, we may infer from the references in 
Chronicles, came into prominence about 250 B.c. In this collection are 
found certain psalms, as, for example, 74, 79, and 83, which clearly voice the 
feelings of the Jews while they were being ground down under the cruel 
heel of Antiochus Epiphanes (167-164 B.c.). 

Scattered through the latter part of the Psalter are two groups of so-called 
Hallel psalms (104-118 and 136-150), each of which is introduced by the 
superscription Hallelujah, which may be interpreted: Give praise to Yah. 
Their contents as well as their title indicate that they were written for 
liturgical use. Psalms 104-107 are in reality one psalm describing Jeho- 
vah’s rulership of the world and leadership of his people. Psalm 104 de- 


250 


THE STRUCTURE AND HISTORY OF THE PSALTER 


scribes the creation, 105 the exodus, 106 Israel’s early history, and 107 
the later restoration. Psalms 111 and 112 constitute an acrostic. In the 
later Jewish ritual Psalms 113 and 114 were chanted before the Passover 
meal and 115-118 at its close. In the great Hallel psalm, 136, the same 
refrain is repeated twenty-six times. Psalms 146-149, like 150, are in reality 
long doxologies adapted to use in the synagogue and temple service. These 
Hallel psalms probably come from the latter part of the Greek and the 
first part of the Maccabean periods. Several of them are quoted by the 
Chronicler, indicating that they were probably in existence as early as 250 
B.c. although they may not then have been incorporated in the Psalter. 

Psalms 120-134 are a group of songs of ascent or pilgrim psalms. With bea 
the exception of Psalm 126, they are all written in the same five-beat efasial 
measure. They are characterized by original and bold figures of speech °?* 
and by an intense love for Jerusalem and the temple. Asa rule, their spirit 
is joyous and hopeful. The didactic note is strong and their point of view 
is in general that of the Pharisees. ' They probably antedate the fierce 
Maccabean struggle and come from the latter part of the Greek period. As 
their title implies, they voice the feelings of the pilgrims as they resorted to 
the temple at their annual feasts. 

Even as the revival of the Palestinian community, following the work of ee ea 
Nehemiah, inspired the first collection of psalms (2-41), so the Maccabean SE HHGA 
victories and the restoration of the temple service appear to have furnished Ps#!ter 
the incentive to make new collections of psalms and to complete the canon 
of the Psalter. This concluding work was in all probability done during the 
peaceful, prosperous reign of Simon (143-135 B.c.). Contemporary records 
indicate that it was an age in which many new psalms were written and 
when great attention was given to the development of the temple ritual. 

This tendency was encouraged by the aged Simon, as is stated in I Macca- 
bees 141, 14, 15, 


He made peace in the land, 

And Israel rejoiced with great joy. 

Everyone sat under his own vine and fig tree, 
And there was no one to make them afraid. 

He was full of zeal for the law, 

And every lawless and wicked person he banished. 
He made the sanctuary glorious, 

And multiplied the vessels of the temple. 


He probably also multiplied the temple singers and elaborated the song 
service. Israel had good cause to sing to Jehovah a new song, for he had 
crowned the afflicted with victory. ‘The Psalter closes with their song of 
thanksgiving: 


Let the faithful exult in glory, 

Let them sing for joy on their beds. 

Let the high praises of God be in their mouth, 
Q51 


HISTORY OF THE POETIC BOOKS 


And a two-edged sword in their hand, 

To execute vengeance upon the heathen, 

And punishment on the peoples, 

To bind their kings with chains, 

Their nobles with fetters of iron, 

To execute on them the judgment written; 

It is an honor for all his faithful ones. (Ps. 1495-9.) 


Thus the evidence is conclusive that the Psalter has a history as long and 
complex as the Old Testament itself. Certain of its older poems may come 
from the days of David, about 1000 B.c. Its later psalms breathe the war- 
like spirit of the Maccabean age. It represents the growth of at least 
eight centuries and the work of fully one hundred poets. Back of it lie 
two millenniums of Semitic religious history; but the psalms themselves, 
with few exceptions, come from the four centuries and a half that began 
with the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.c. They record the inspired 
insight, the dauntless courage, and the.profound spiritual experiences of the 
noble souls who faced the cruel persecutions and the great crises of the Per- 
sian, Greek, and Maccabean periods. Born in stress and struggle, they 
have a unique message and meaning for all who are in the stream of life. 


252 


THE HISTORY OF THE WISDOM 
LITERATURE 


258 


—_ 4 9 7 . « ror 
ry RAAT VE ok Fe ce ee 
4 - 
* 
7 rat dv! 
‘ 
: 
2) 
.¥ 
e 
s 
\ 
e 
' 
” 
v | 
é 
‘@ 
. 
J 1 





THE WORK OF ISRAEL’S WISE MEN OR SAGES 


THE desire to store up and to transmit to each succeeding generation the 


results of experience was strong in the mind of early man. Having found < 


that a certain course of action brought disaster and another success, he was 
eager to profit by this hard-won knowledge and to impart it to his kindred and 
friends. Thus arose the earliest wisdom literature. 

In the introduction to the Instruction of Ptah-hotep, the ancient Egyptian 
sage states that his purpose was to speak to his son the words of those who 
hearken to the counsel of the men of olden time. Ptah-hotep lived nearly fifty 
centuries ago, yet he spoke repeatedly of the counsel of the men of olden time. 
These allusions indicate that at this early day there was a large body of 
maxims embodying the experience of the sages of preceding generations. 
Ptah-hotep’s purpose in transmitting the results of his own practical obser- 
vation and experience in the form of proverbs to his son and disciples is also 
clearly stated: it was to instruct the .gnorant in the exact knowledge of fair- 
speaking. He adds, If you heed these things that I have said to you, all your 
plans will progress. Like Israel’s wisdom teachers, he declares that his 
teachings are the glory of him who obeys, and shame of him who fails to keep 
them. 

Ptah-hotep is an excellent example of the wise men or sages who flourished 
in Egypt at an early period. The names of several of them have been pre- 
served: Imhotep, Ke’gemni, and Ameneruhe’et. They were the viziers, 
governors, or kings whose authority and reputation as men of affairs greatly 
enhanced in the eyes of their own and later generations the value of their 
practical teachings. About their names have gathered collections of early 
proverbs. Some undoubtedly came directly from the lips of these famous 
sages; others were probably gleaned by them or by later editors from the 
words of counsel of the men of olden time. Most of them had been committed 
to writing by 2000 B.c. They have been preserved because they were set 
as copy for the pupils in the scribal schools. By a fortunate accident these 
ancient copy books have survived. In many points their teachings closely 
resemble those of the Hebrew wise. ‘They deal with duties toward superiors, 
equals, and inferiors, and the judicious use of the tongue. In general they 
give practical advice as to how to act prudently in all the different relations 
of that ancient life. They are more egoistic than social. Class points of 
view and prejudices are much in evidence. The thought is often crude, but 
it represents the beginning of that wisdom teaching that reached its culmina- 
tion on the lips of Jesus, the greater than Solomon. 


Q55 


The 
asis of 
e 
work of 
the wise 


Egyp-. 
tian wise 
men 


Teach- 
ings of 
Ptah- 
hotep 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 
Among the more significant teachings of Ptah-hotep are the following: 


If you find a wise man in his time, a leader of understanding more 
excellent than yourself, bend your arms and bow your back. 


If you find a wise man in his time, a poor man and not your equal, 
be not overbearing against him when he is unfortunate. 


If you are insignificant, follow an able man and all your proceedings 
shall be good before the god. 


If you are a leader, hear quietly the speech of the petitioner. He 
who is suffering wrong desires that his heart be cheered to do that on 
account of which he has come. . . . It is an ornament of the heart 
to hear kindly. 


Established is the man whose standard is righteousness, who walks 
in its way. He ordinarily makes his fortune thereby, but the ava- 
ricious is houseless. 


Be not avaricious in dividing. . . . Be not avaricious toward your 
kinsmen. Greater is the fame of the gentle than the harsh. 


Repeat not a word of hearsay. 


If you are a strong man, establish respect for yourself by wisdom 
and by quietness of speech. 


If you become great after you were little, and get possessions after 
you were formerly poor in the city . . . be not proud-hearted be- 
cause of your wealth. It has come to you as a gift of the god. 


Do not practise corruption of children. 
Let your face be bright as long as you live. 


The quiet, contemplative life of Egypt furnished a congenial atmosphere 
for the sages. Wit, versatility, and culture were always highly prized by 
the early Egyptians. The Babylonians, on the contrary, were an active 
commercial people, more intent on developing their laws and legal institu- 
tions than in listening to the teachings of sages. In directing their lives, they 
also depended not so much on practical maxims and counsel as upon oracles, 
omens, and magic, or else upon definitely formulated laws. Hence the wise 
men of Babylon were not the sages but the magicians, the priests, and the 
lawgivers. ‘There are suggestions, however, that the sages were not entirely 
lacking in Babylonian life. On the back of one of the creation tablets is a 
reference to this class: 


Let the elder enlighten, 
Let the wise, the learned meditate together, 
Let the father rehearse, make the son apprehend. 


256 


THE WORK OF ISRAEL’S WISE MEN 


Also, in the second volume of Assyrian texts edited by Sir Henry Rawlinson 
are found certain proverbs and riddles that were used in instructing the pupils 
in the schools of the scribes; but among the hundreds of thousands of in- 
scriptions that have come from the ruins in the Tigris-Euphrates valley 
only a comparatively few examples of this type of literature have yet been 
discovered. Pre-eminent among these is the noble proverb: 


You shall not slander, but speak kindly, 
You shall not speak evil, but show mercy. 
Him who slanders and speaks evil, 

The god, Shamash, will punish. 


You shall not speak unrestrainedly, but guard your lip; 
When you are angry do not speak at once; 

If you speak hastily, you will repent later, 

And in silence will feel remorse. 


The Arabian desert was the natural home of the Semitic wise man and his 
proverbs. The wisdom of the children of the East was well known to the 
editor of Kings (1 Kgs. 4°°). The background of the book of Job is the 
desert east of the Jordan. LEliphaz, the eldest of Job’s friends, comes from 
the Edomite city of Teman, famous for its wisdom teachers (cf. Jer. 497). 
The life of the nomad was conducive to meditation. Moreover he was con- 
stantly confronted by crises which required quick and prudent action. His 
unstable mode of living made it necessary for him to make many important 
decisions. ‘The hard struggle for a livelihood sharpened his wits. Having 
no settled place of abode, he was obliged to treasure his valuable, hard-won 
experience in the form of concise, easily remembered proverbs. Hence 
to-day in Palestine and in all lands under the influence of the Arabian desert 
proverbs and epigrammatic maxims are constantly upon the lips of the 
people. Thus, under the old Turkish régime a supernumerary of the Beirut 
customs office (whom we employed to rescue our books from the storehouse 
where they had been placed by the customs officials to await the final Judg- 
ment Day) when asked whether the usual bribe would have delivered us 
from all annoyance, replied: “When a man has bread in his mouth he cannot 


In Ara- 
bia and 
adjacent 
lands 


speak.” At every turn in the East the apt maxim takes the place of the : 


ordinary direct statement. Men learn instinctively to think and to express 

their thoughts in the characteristic terms of the ancient wisdom teachers. 
The history of the wise in Israel is recorded only in barest outlines through 

chance references in the historical and prophetic books and in the inferences 


that may be drawn from the wisdom books themselves. Close proximity ‘ 
and contact with Egypt on the one side and with the life of the Arabian 


desert on the other undoubtedly gave a great and constant impetus to this 
peculiar type of thought. Similar conditions and needs in each of these lands 
also gave rise to similar ideas and forms of teaching. A few proverbs are 
found in the earliest historical books (e. g., I Sam. 24°). Jotham, in his 
beautiful fable (Judg. 981°), and Samson, in his famous riddle (Judg. 1414-18), 
employed the literary forms that characterized the teaching of the later wise. 

In the days of the united Hebrew commonwealth there were many women 


257 


Wisdom 
thought 
in early 
Israel 


The 
wise 
men in 
David’s 
court 


Solo- 
mon’s 
wisdom 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


who were famed for their practical wisdom. David’s strong-minded com- 
mander, Joab, employed the services of a certain wise woman of Tekoa to 
aid him in securing the recall of the banished Absalom. By means of a skil- 
fully devised recital of her personal woes she aroused the sympathies of 
David. After he had committed himself to the principles of mercy rather 
than of stern justice, she demanded that he apply the same to the case of his 
own son. Thus she won her point (II Sam. 14!!). Her language has the 
peculiar flavor of the wisdom teachers and her words reveal a remarkably 
keen insight into human motives. 

Later another wise woman aided Joab. While he was besieging the re- 
bellious city of Abel-beth-maacah, that stood at the head of the Jordan 
valley, she sought an interview with him and secured favorable terms. Then 
she went and advised all the people in her wisdom and persuaded them to sur- 
render (II Sam. 20'-), 

Absalom’s rebellion also brought to the front two counsellors who enjoyed 
a great reputation for sagacity and skill in giving advice. Ahithophel the 
Gilonite, David’s former adviser, went over to Absalom. The Hebrew 
historian states that his counsel in those days was as vf one inquired of the word 
of God—so was all the counsel of Ahithophel regarded by David and Absalom 
(II Sam. 16%). By appealing to the pride and fear of Absalom, Hushai, 
David’s other counsellor and faithful friend, succeeded in thwarting the 
wiser counsels of Ahithophel. Chagrin because his advice was rejected drove 
Ahithophel to deliberate suicide. 

In a court where practical wisdom was esteemed thus highly Solomon 
was reared. His close alliance with Egypt may also have strengthened his 
ambition to become famous as a wise man. ‘To judge from the traditions 
that survive, his wisdom was of the type that from earliest times had been 
highly prized in the Arabian desert and in the land of the Nile. It repre- 
sented sagacity, insight, and clear judgment. It is well illustrated by the 
familiar story of the method by which Solomon determined who was the 
real mother of the baby that the contending mothers brought before him 
(I Kgs. 316-8), ‘The life of the Arabian desert presents many striking paral- 
lels. ‘Two women were brought before a famous judge among the Arabs, 
charged with shamelessness. After listening to the charge, the judge pro- 
nounced the following sentence: Let her who is innocent of this charge throw 
aside her garment and stand before me naked. One woman unhesitatingly 
carried out the terms of the sentence. The other cast herself to the ground 
before the judge, crying, Slay me instead. It requires no imagination to 
determine which woman was declared innocent. According to the editor of 
Kings, Solomon’s wisdom differed from that of Egypt and the Arabians not 
in character but degree. There is not the slightest evidence that it had an 
ethical, social, or religious quality. It was in harmony with his splendor- 
loving, superficial character. Although he enjoyed the reputation of being 
the wisest man of his day, his tyrannical, disastrous policy wrought only ruin 
for himself and his nation. He was sadly lacking in the deeper moral and 


_ spiritual qualities that were essential to a really wise rule. In fact he proved 
one of the most foolish rulers that ever sat on the throne of Israel. 


258 


THE WORK OF ISRAEL’S WISE MEN 


In the days of the Babylonian exile, when the editor of the book of Kings 
lived, the tradition was current that Solomon was the author of three thou- 
sand proverbs and at least five hundred songs. The tradition also adds that 
he spoke of different varieties of trees from the cedar that ts in Lebanon to the 
hyssop that springs out of the wall; he spoke also of beasts, of birds, of creeping 
things, and of fishes. In the light of the maxims found in the book of Prov- 
erbs (¢. g., 6° ®-8) it is probable that the reference is to the comparisons drawn 
from the characteristics of plants and animals. There is no valid reason 
for concluding that Solomon was a pioneer in modern scientific research. 
His proverbs, like the peculiar type of wisdom for which he was famous, 
doubtless resembled closely the secular proverbs which have come down from 
the early Egyptian sages. In the light of recent discoveries it is not im- 


Solo- 
mon’s 
reputa- 
tion as 
a prov- 
erb 
writer 


probable that he not only imported an Egyptian wife, but proverbs as well ~ 


from the land of the Nile. According to I Kings 10” his policy was to bring 
into Israel all kinds of foreign products. His reputation for worldly wisdom, 
his fame as a framer of proverbs and songs, and the dazzling splendor of his 
court fully explain why later generations regarded him as the author not 
only of the book of Proverbs, but of most of the wisdom books of the Old Tes- 
tament and Apocrypha. Moses, David, Solomon, and Isaiah represent re- 
spectively the legal, psalm, wisdom, and prophetic literature of the Old Testa- 
ment. ‘To them were attributed practically all later anonymous writings. 
The prestige of their names was thus used to give authority to these late books. 


It is possible that some of Solomon’s proverbs have found a place in the book | 


of Proverbs, although it is not demonstrable. It is certain that the great 
majority of them came from later and more spiritually minded sages who 
lived in the light of the noble teachings of prophets like Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, 
and Jeremiah. 

Only a few references are found to the wise during the period of the divided 
Hebrew states, but these few are significant. While Isaiah stood practically 
alone in the wars of 705-701 B.c. in opposing rebellion against Assyria, he de- 
clares in the name of Jehovah: 


I will proceed to do a thing so wonderful and astonishing, 
That the wisdom of the wise men shall perish. 


The reference is to the catastrophe that was soon to fall upon Judah at the 
hands of the Assyrians. Evidently the wise men of Isaiah’s day were, like 
Ahithophel and Hushai, the advisers of rulers and people. Their functions 
are still political and secular, and at times they resorted to political policies 
which the prophet did not approve. 

The same opposition existed in Jeremiah’s day: 


How can ye say, “We are wise and the teaching of Jehovah is with us’? 
But, behold, the deceptive pen of the scribes has rendered it deceptive. 
The wise men are put to shame, they are dismayed and taken! 

They reject the word of Jehovah, and what wisdom have they ? 


Here the contrast is strongly drawn between that human wisdom, based on 
observation and experience, which was the possession of the early sages and 


259 


The 
period 
of their 
greatest 
activity 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


the messages of the prophets who were inspired by a sense of the divine 
presence and command. ‘The fundamental point on which Jeremiah differed 
from the wise men of his day appears to have been in regard to the national 
policy. If so, it indicates that the wise still confined their attention chiefly 
to questions of state. In one important passage in Jeremiah they are 
brought into clear comparison with the other classes of Israel’s teachers. It 
is in connection with the popular attempts to silence Jeremiah. His assail- 
ants urge that, if they put him to death, teaching will not perish from the priest, 
nor counsel from the wise, nor the word from the prophet (1818). As in the days 
of Ahithophel, counsel is the peculiar contribution of the wise, and there is no 
evidence that it was concerned with anything except questions of state and 
the practical problems of daily life. 

In Ezekiel 77° the same three classes of teachers are again spoken of to- 
gether, but the term elders is substituted for the wise. 'The reference confirms 


' the conclusion that the pre-exilic wise as a rule, like the sages of Egypt and in 


the court of David, were men not only of maturity but also of authority in 
the state. Their position gave them unusual opportunities for studying life 
and for developing intelligent, practical judgment. It also imparted great 
weight to their utterances, so that, like the words of Ahithophel, they were 
regarded as of almost equal authority with the divine oracles. ‘The evidence 
is also clear that in the days of Isaiah and Jeremiah the people frequently fol- 
lowed the counsel of the wise, disregarding the prophetic teachings; but be- 
fore the sages could wisely guide mankind they had to gain, in the painful 
school of sorrow, a deeper insight into truth and the inspiration of a nobler 
moral purpose. 

The Babylonian exile cut athwart all of Israel’s life and imstitutions. 
Among the many changes that it effected was a fundamental transformation 
of the aims and methods of the sages. With the destruction of the Hebrew 
monarchy and national independence, the political problems, which hitherto 
had largely engrossed the attention of the wise, suddenly vanished. As a 
result, they turned their attention from the rulers and powerful leaders of their 
race to the individual, to the common man of the street, and to the children 
who were to be the ancestors of the rising generations. No individual nor 
problem, however humble, was beyond the circle of their interest and sym- 
pathy. Thus, the advisers of rulers became the counsellors of the needy and 
tempted. Instead of race or class interest, love for mankind became the 
guiding motives for the work of the later sages. The exile and all the woes 
which followed in its train had softened the hearts of these alert, brilliant 
leaders of the Jewish race. Henceforth a strong ethical and religious note 
characterizes all of their teaching. Narrow racial points of view and inter- 
ests disappear. It is significant that Israel is not once mentioned in the book 
of Proverbs. It is to man they speak, and especially to youth, to men and 
women in the making. 

Henceforth the social and religious teachings of the prophets, which the 
earlier sages had rejected, were accepted as the foundation upon which they 
built. The principles which the earlier prophets had proclaimed to the na- 
tion were by these later teachers interpreted in terms clearly intelligible to 


260 


THE WORK OF ISRAEL’S WISE MEN 


the young and ignorant, and were made the guides in the development of 
individual character. Also in the days following the exile the priests largely 
ceased to be teachers of the people and devoted themselves to the details of 
the ritual. The voice of the prophets was also heard less and less. The result 
was that the sages assumed the task of the earlier teachers. From the middle . 
of the Persian period (about 450 B.c.) until the Maccabean struggle (169 to 
165 B.c.), which introduced an entirely new epoch in Israel’s history, the Jew- 
ish sages were the chief social, ethical, and spiritual guides of their race. To 
their patient, tireless, self-sacrificing work is largely due the preservation of 
Israel’s faith during these critical years. They indeed saved the soul of 
Judaism and prepared it for the new crisis which came during the Maccabean 
struggle. They also bore on the torch of Hebrew learning, which they in 
turn handed over to the scribes and rabbis, who from 165 B.c. on became the 
chief teachers of the race. 'To the rabbis they imparted that profound inter- 
est in the individual and that emphasis on social and moral values which 
partially delivered the work and writings of these later teachers from the 
blight of triviality and ceremonialism. 

The Jewish wise men or sages were not a caste like the priests, nor did they,y pours 
like the prophets, feel a direct, divine call to their work. Keen, sympathetic at ied 
observation and broad experience were their teachers. Most of them appear #*¥ 
to have been men of mature years when they began to teach. The motive 
which impelled them was their deep interest in the welfare of society and 
especially of the youth with whom they came into contact. 

The first six verses of the first chapter of the book of Proverbs contain a Their 
remarkably clear statement of their aims. They were concerned in imparting *”* 
information and wisdom to the ignorant with the end that they might live 
wisely and uprightly. They also aimed to develop discretion in the young 
and inexperienced. Finally they sought to inspire and direct their intelligent 
disciples that they might increase in learning and be able to understand and 
appropriate the teachings of the wise. Their ultimate aim, therefore, was to , 
develop intelligent, prudent, and efficient men and women, and in so doing to 
lay the foundations for a perfect social order. 

The wise were primarily teachers rather than preachers. Ordinarily their Places 
disciples appear to have sought them out in their homes or in the temple ins 
courts, where they probably, like the later scribes, were to be found teaching ‘ust 
the circle of eager disciples who gathered close about them. Ben Sira has 
given us a vivid picture of the ideal of the pupil in the school of the wise: 


Stand in the assembly of the elders, 
And whoever is wise, cleave to him, 
Desire to hear every discourse, 

And let not a wise proverb escape you. 


Look for him who is wise and seek him out earnestly, 
And let your foot wear out his threshold (6%4-%*), 


Ordinarily the Hebrew sages appear to have taught their disciples in the 
open spaces beside the city gates where old and young were gathered together 
to discuss public and private questions. 

261 


Obsta- 
cles in 
their 
path 


ane 
ples 
under- 
lying 
their 
work 


word 
wisdom 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


Sometimes their intense zeal to reach the ignorant and unreceptive led them 
to adopt the methods of the prophet and address the assembled throng: 


Wisdom cries aloud in the streets, 

Raises her voice in the open places. 

On the top of the walls she calls, 

At the entrance of the city gates she says: 
“How long, O ignorant, will you love ignorance, 
And scoffers delight in their scoffing, 

And the stupid hate knowledge?” (Pr. 1°°-*). 


Ordinarily the eastern world is highly appreciative of the teachings of its 
sages, but these and many other references in the book of Proverbs indicate 
that the Jewish wise men were often confronted by indifference or contemptu-: 
ous disregard for the pearls of wisdom which they cast so freely before their 
disciples. For that reason the first nine chapters of the book of Proverbs are 
devoted to an earnest commendation of the teaching of the wise. They 
realized that the first essential was to create a receptive attitude in the minds 
of their disciples, and a clear appreciation of the practical value of the wisdom 
which they were striving to inculcate. 

The Jewish sages anticipated many of the principles which are regarded as 
fundamental in modern education. Their profound teaching: 


Train up a child in the way he should go, 
And when he is old he will not depart from it (Pr. 22°), 


is the basis of the modern religious education movement. To the parents 
they intrusted the education of their children. The sages devoted much of 
their time and attention to training parents, that these responsible guardians 
of childhood might be qualified for their task. The earnestness with which 
the wise urged parents not to spare the rod reveals how important they 
deemed that task. The wise appear to have devoted their attention primarily 
to adolescent youth. From the age of about twelve, the sensible and well- 
nurtured Jewish boy began to sit at the feet of the sages, who taught: 


Walk with the wise and you will be wise, 
But he who associates with fools shall smart for it (Pr. 13?°). 


Before their disciples they set up the lofty ideal: 


A wise man is better than a strong man, 
And a man who has knowledge than he who has strength (Pr. 24°). 


Wisdom represented in the thought of the sages the goal of all education. 
The word comes from a Semitic root which means in the Assyrian to know, 
and in the Arabic to be firm, fixed, free from defect. In the teaching of the 
Hebrew wise it represents not only knowledge, but also the power to gain 
knowledge and to use it skilfully and effectively. Thus im Isaiah 3° and 
Ezekiel 278 the Hebrew word wise describes a man skilled in technical work. 


262 


THE WORK OF ISRAEL’S WISE MEN 


In Genesis 41*: #9, IT Samuel 142°, and elsewhere, it describes a man skilled 
in administering public affairs; in II Samuel 13*, one who is shrewd and 
cunning in dealing with men; while throughout the book of Proverbs it is the 
designation of a man who in all his public and private acts is governed by the 
highest religious and ethical principles. With the wise the mere acquisition 
of knowledge was never an end in itself. They aimed to make men rather 
than human encyclopedias. Their disciples were tested alone by their fruits. 
The sages also taught that God was the supreme Teacher: 


My son, reject not the instruction of Jehovah, 

And do not weary of his reproof; 

For whom he loveth he reproveth, 

Even as a father the son in whom he delights (Pr. 3": ¥), 


Moreover, they taught that religion is the foundation of all wisdom: 


The fear of Jehovah is the beginning of wisdom, 
But fools despise wisdom and instruction (Pr. 17). 


The phrase fear of Jehovah, here, in the Psalms, and in later Jewish liter- 
ature, is equivalent to our modern term religion. It is significant, therefore, 
that the sages placed this fundamental principle at the beginning of the book 
of Proverbs. They were intensely interested im all that concerned the well- 
being and development of the individual; but education which was not truly 
religious had in their eyes no value nor attraction. 

The Jewish sages aimed in the book of Proverbs to hold up before their 
disciples a composite portrait of an ideal man. It is not an impossible, 
wishy-washy saint that they have here portrayed, but a man of red blood and 
practical ability. He is a faithful husband, free from the vices of intemper- 


ance and social immorality, devoted to his wife and the interests of the p 


household. All men find in him a true friend, a wise counsellor, a forgiving 
foe, a neighbor charitable toward others’ faults. He is an upright, diligent, 
and effective business man who enjoys the respect of the community and 
well-deserved prosperity. He is a just and considerate official, actively 
championing and protecting the weak and defenseless. He is well informed, 
gifted with keen insight, and genuinely interested in his fellow men. He is 
always generous toward the needy and helpful to those in distress and 
trouble. Above all he is sane, well balanced, and guided by a simple, strong 
faith in God and by the desire to be loyal in every thought and act to his 
divine Friend. The abiding happiness is his which comes through living a 


The 
divine 
teacher 


normal, upright life. The portrait is well worthy of careful study and _ 


thoughtful imitation. 

In a very true sense the Jewish sages were the pioneers who prepared the 
way for the later Christian education movement. Jesus recognized this 
debt when he declared in speaking of himself, that a greater than Solomon is 
here (Mt. 12%). Also, in his reply to the charge that he mingled freely with 
all classes, he maintained: Yet wisdom zs vindicated by her deeds (Lk. 7*°). 


263 


Jesus’ 
attitude 
toward 


The 
Chris- 
tian 
book of 
Prov- 
erbs 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


There are many indications that Jesus was a close and appreciative student 
of the wisdom literature of his race. His interest, like that of the sages, 
centred not in the nation, nor in certain classes, but in the individual. His 
aims and those of the Jewish wise men were practically identical. At many 
points the great Teacher reiterated or emphasized the principles already laid 
down by these earlier teachers (cf., e. g., Mt. 58 and Pr. 378). His teaching 
that whoever shall give a cup of water to one of these little ones in the name of a 
disciple shall in no wise lose his reward (Mt. 10%) is but a more personal and 
vivid declaration of the great truth embodied in Proverbs 1917: 


He who has pity on the poor lends to Jehovah, 
And his good deed will he repay him. 


Jesus taught in Matthew 6” and elsewhere the filial attitude of trust ex- 
pressed in the noble Proverb (16°): 


Commit your works unto Jehovah, 
And your purposes shall be established. 


Many of Jesus’ figures of speech are taken from the lips of the earlier wise. 
Thus, for example, his figure of the way (Mt. 7}*» #4) constantly recurs in the 
book of Proverbs (e. g., 428, 673, 832, 34, 9°), The germinal ideas and figures 
that appear in many of Jesus’ familiar parables are found in Proverbs. Thus, 
for example, the parable of the two houses, the one built on the sand and the 
other on the rock, is suggested by Proverbs 10” (cf. 12”): 


When the whirlwind passes the wicked is no more, 
But the righteous is an everlasting foundation. 


The epistle of James has rightly been called the Christian book of Proverbs. 
It is not an epistle, but a loosely connected collection of wise maxims in- 
spired by the principles that Jesus proclaimed and the spirit of love and 
democracy that he infused into his followers. 


264 


II 


THE LITERARY ACTIVITY OF ISRAEL’S WISE MEN 
OR SAGES 


IsRAEL’S wise men or sages were primarily teachers and not writers. In 
the earlier days they apparently depended wholly upon oral instruction and 
aimed to impress their teachings directly upon the minds of their disciples. 
To this end they put these teachings in such compact literary moulds that 
they could be easily treasured in the memory. They also had in mind the 
immediate needs of the ignorant and inexperienced with whom they came 
into personal contact. It was only in the mature and more contemplative 
period of their activity that the wise as a class committed their teachings to 
writing. 

Possibly the earliest literary form in which the wise set forth their teaching 
was the similitude or comparison. The Hebrew word for proverb (méshdl) 
means to put things side by side, that is, to make a comparison. It is closely 
related to the Greek-derived word parable which describes the presentation 
of a thought by means of an illustration or story. Ike Nimrod a mighty 
hunter before the Lord (Gen. 10°) is perhaps the oldest fragment of wisdom 
literature in the Old Testament. Proverbs 25” contains a characteristic 
proverb that is the outgrowth of the tendency to present an important truth 
in terms of common physical experience: 


As cold water to a thirsty man, 
So is good news from a far country. 


The proverb is the basal literary unit in all wisdom literature. It presents 
in the most concise and epigrammatic form the crystallized results of experi- 
ence. A popular proverb possesses authority because it is the outgrowth 
of common experience and has the indorsement of the successive generations 
that have preserved it. Its transmission from mouth to mouth subjected it 
to a constant process of attrition, which in time wore away all needless words 
and tended to give it a compact, epigrammatic form. This process is illus- 
trated in the case of certain proverbs which have been preserved both in 
their older, more verbose, and in their later, more concise form. The older 
Hebrew literature contains a few examples of the one-line proverb, as for 
example the proverb of the ancients, which David quotes in I Samuel 24: 
From the wicked comes forth wickedness. But all of the proverbs found in the 
wisdom books of the Old Testament are poetic in form. Poetry was the 
most natural medium for conveying thought among all primitive peoples. 
Rhythm of sound or thought is ever an efficient aid tothe memory. Further- 


265 


Early 

wisdom 
oral not 
written 


Com-’ 
parison 
earliest 
literary 
form 


Proverb 
the out- 
growth 
of expe- 
rience 


Origin of 
prov- 
erbs 


Use of 


paradox 


Gnomic 
essays 


Book of 
Eccle- 
siastes 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


more, the presentation of the practical teaching in dual form tended to em- 
phasize and make clear the thought. 

The majority of the biblical proverbs are orphans. The origin of most of 
them is unrecorded. A few of them, like the proverb, Is Saul among the 
prophets? clearly go back to some historic incident (cf. I Sam. 10!” and 
19!8-24), Some were probably first presented in the form of riddles. Thus, 
for example, Proverbs 1674 may well have been suggested by the question, 
What is as sweet as honey? and its answer, Pleasant discourse, for tt is sweet to 
the soul and medicine to the bones. Proverbs 22', with its emphasis on the 
value of a good name, may go back to the question, What is worth more than 
riches? Similarly the question, What ts like seizing a dog by the ears? may 
originally have introduced the answer, Meddling with a quarrel not your own. 
The great majority, however, of the maxims in the book of Proverbs, clearly 
come from the lips of once famous, but now unknown sages. In many 
proverbs the language reflects the point of view of these venerable teachers: 


My son, if you are wise I shall be glad, 

I shall rejoice when you spéak right things. 

Buy the truth and sell it not, 

Wisdom, instruction, and understanding (23! %), 


The sages knew the value of presenting their teachings in a striking, thought- 
provoking form. Like Jesus, they appreciated the value of the paradox. 
Thus in Proverbs 264: > they developed the paradox by putting two proverbs 
together. Each contained a valuable teaching, and yet, when placed side by 
side, they seem to present a direct contradiction. The reader in explaining 
this seeming contradiction would inevitably have fixed in his mind the truth 
conveyed by each: 


Answer not a fool according to his folly, 
Lest you also become like him. 

Answer a fool according to his folly, 
Lest he be wise in his own conceit. 


Notwithstanding the limitations of the gnomic type of literature, the wise 
succeeded in discussing the important questions in which they were interested 
with remarkable thoroughness. They accomplished this end by putting side 
by side proverbs dealing with the same theme. Each verse or couplet is a 
unit by itself, and yet together they present the practical conclusions of the 
sages on such themes as the proper treatment of the fool (Pr. 261%), the 
characteristics and fate of the lazy man (26!3-!’), or the woes which attend the 
drunkard (2379-*°), In Proverbs 31!°*! the characteristics of the efficient house- 
wife are set forth in a beautiful, alphabetical poem. In the same way in the 
opening chapters of the book of Proverbs the value of wisdom is proclaimed 
in a series of what might be called gnomic essays. 

The next stage in the development of the wisdom literature is illustrated by 
the book of Ecclesiastes. Here the question of what is worth while is dis- 
cussed both from the practical and philosophical point of view. While muck 


266 


LITERARY ACTIVITY OF ISRAEL'S WISE MEN 


of the thought is set forth in proverbial form, the author refuses to be bound 
down by the proverb unit. Philosophical essay or homily perhaps best 
describes this product of late Jewish wisdom. 

The culminating literary product of the wise is the book of Job. Here the 
gnomic unit used is combined in such a masterly way that the profoundest 
and most difficult problems of human philosophy are treated with amazing 
thoroughness. Different speakers are introduced to set forth the many 
different interpretations of the problem of innocent suffering. The whole is 
suffused with a personal, emotional element. The result is the greatest lyric 
drama of antiquity. 

The most typical product of the wisdom school is the book of Proverbs. 
This elaborate anthology is in reality a library in itself. Its various super- 
scriptions suggest its long literary history. The chief and probably the oldest 
section of the book is found in 10%-22!%, It bears the superscription, These 
are the Proverbs of Solomon. 'They deal with the social evils denounced by 
prophets like Amos and Isaiah. 

Many references to a king, who is thought of as a native ruler, imply that 
certain, if not a majority, of these proverbs come from a period before the 
Babylonian exile while the Jews were still ruled by men of their own race. 


Wisdom 
litera- 
ture at 


its 
height 


The 
book of 
Proy- 
erbs 


Its date 


The absence of any reference to the exile confirms that impression. On the , 


other hand, the absence of any allusions to idolatry and the presence of a class 
of scoffers suggest that many of them come from after the exile and that the 
collection as a whole was not made before the latter part of the Persian or the 
early part of the Greek period. 

The appendices in 221!’—-24*4 are not attributed to Solomon, but to the wise 
men asaclass. The inference is that they come from a later period than the 
preceding collection. The term proverb of Solomon (cf. psalm of David) ap- 
parently describes a proverb which came from an early period, and was there- 
fore attributed by popular belief to the early Hebrew ruler who was famous 
for his wisdom. The expansion of this tradition is illustrated by the fact 
that in the final superscription appended to the Proverbs (1!) the entire book 
is described as, The Proverbs of Solomon, even though this testimony is belied 
by the contents of the proverbs themselves and by the direct statement of the 
superscriptions found within the book. The appendices in 2217-2454 contain 
many repetitions of maxims found in the larger collection. This fact indi- 


Divi- 
sions 
and au- 
thorship 


cates that these later collections were gleaned in part from the same field. ‘ 


The allusions to commercial life, to the exiled Jews, and to the wide preva- 
lence of intemperance point to the Greek period as the probable date when 
these smaller collections were added. 

New light upon the origin of certain biblical proverbs, and especially those 
in 2217-2454, has come from the ruins of ancient Egypt. In 1923 Sir Wallis 
Budge published in the Second Series of Egyptian Hieratic Papyri an Egyp- 
tian wisdom book, entitled, The Teaching of Amenemope, which may be dated 
about 1000 B.C. It is divided into thirty chapters and consists of popular 
proverbs. From a writing-tablet preserved in the Turin Museum we know 
that it was used as a text-book in the Egyptian schools twenty-five hundred 
years ago. The most interesting fact, however, is that nine of these proverbs 


267 


Egyp- 
tian 
origin of 
certain 
proverbs 


Chap- 
ters 25- 
29 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


are, as Professor Adolph Erman has pointed out in the May, 1924, report 
of the Prussian Academie der Wissenschaft, almost word for word identical 
with maxims found in the biblical book of Proverbs. Seven of these are in 
the appendices in Proverbs 22'’—24*4, indicating that these later collections 
were probably made by a Jew living in Egypt during the Greek period, who 
drew freely from the famous wisdom of the Egyptians. 

The finest proverbs in the book are found in chapters 25-29. The super- 
scription states that these proverbs were transcribed by the scribes of Heze- 
kiah, king of Judah, but they still bear the traditional title, Proverbs of 
Solomon. ‘The word meaning to transcribe is found only in late Hebrew. 
Its presence implies that the superscription is not earlier than the Greek 
period. The rulers who figure in these proverbs are oppressors rather than 
champions of the people, suggesting Persian or Greek, rather than Jewish, 


' potentates. The literary form of these proverbs is also more complex than 


Later 
addi- 
tions 


Sum- 
mary 


the simple couplets found in the first large collection (10'-22"). The earlier 
part of the Greek period is probably the historical background of most of 
them. . 

To this collection or collections were added in later days the preface con- 
tained in 1?-, the elaborate prologue in 17-918 describing wisdom, and finally 
the long appendices in chapters 30 and 31. The corrupt city life reflected in 
the prologue and the philosophical proverbs and Aramaisms that appear in the 
appendices indicate that they all probably come from the latter part of the 
Greek period, although probably from different writers and editors. 

The book of Proverbs, therefore, represents the growth of five or six cen- 
turies. Possibly some of the maxims actually come from Solomon. Many 
of the proverbs in this section were probably long current on the lips of people 
before they were collected and edited. It is doubtful whether any part of the 
book was committed to writing before the exile. Then it took form in suc- 
cessive collections. Proverbs in its final form may be dated about 200 B.c. 
It represents not the work of one, but probably a score at least, if not a 
hundred or more different writers. It is the great storehouse of Israel’s 
practical wisdom, but like the Koran and many other products of oriental 
thought, its contents must be classified before they can be successfully studied 
and utilized by modern western students. 


268 


Tit 


THE HISTORY AND POINT OF VIEW OF THE BOOK OF 
ECCLESIASTES 


THE sensation in passing from the book of Proverbs to Ecclesiastes is akin 
to that which one experiences when he steps out of a brilliant, oriental sunset 
into a dimly lighted, mysterious subterranean passage. Teachings which 
have seemed obvious and firmly established suddenly become vague and un- 
certain. Dark doubts and an atmosphere of pessimism confront the reader 
on every side. The problems which haunt the pages of Omar Khayyam, 
Schopenhauer, and the Russian pessimists are constantly being presented for 
consideration. 

Yet few Old Testament books have made a deeper impression on English 
literature and thought than Ecclesiastes. The French scholar Renan de- 
clared that it was the most charming book ever written by a Jew. Its fas- 
cination lies in part in the very fact that it belongs to that literature of pessi- 
mism and revolt which has always had a unique attraction for certain types of 
mind. Above all it lays bare the tragedy of a human soul unillumined by 
spiritual insight nor warmed by unselfish service. The author also has a 
forceful, epigrammatic manner of presenting his conclusions, which goes far 
to explain why his teachings have been more widely quoted than those of 
almost any other Old Testament teacher. 

The problems discussed in the book of Ecclesiastes are also of perennial 
human interest. Of all the Old Testament wisdom writings, it approximates 
most nearly in its point of view to that of the Greek philosophical literature. 
The author seeks to face squarely the whole of reality. He struggled valiantly 
with the problem of what is of value in human life. He even rises to the con- 
sideration of the ever-recurring question of whether life itself is really worth 
living. At the very beginning he states his pessimistic thesis: All is vanity. 
In succession he presents his negative conclusions regarding the various 
sources that are supposed to yield satisfaction. 

It is not strange that the book of Ecclesiastes was the last to find a place 
in the Old Testament canon. The surprising fact is that it was included at 
all. It is known that Antiochus the Great became king of Syria when only 
seven, and in 198 B.c. wrested Palestine from Ptolemy V. If these identifi- 
cations are correct, 10!% 17 expresses the enthusiasm of the Jews over this 
transfer of power to Antiochus. It also suggests, as a definite date for 
Ecclesiastes, the years immediately following 200 B.c. This dating is in per- 
fect accord with the other evidence. 


269 


Its 
atmos- 
phere 


The 
fascina- 
tion of 


the book 


Its 
theme 


Date 


The his- 
torical 
back- 
ground 


Person- 
ality of 
Kohe- 
leth 


His | 
experi- 
ences 


His 
alm in 
writing 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


The last half of the third and the first balf of the second century B.c. was 
the darkest and most corrupt period in the history of the Jews of Palestine. 
Their home-land was the bone of contention between the rival rulers of Egypt 
and Syria. Drunkenness and licentiousness were regnant in the court of 
Egypt, and the favorites of irresponsible despots preyed on the people of 
Palestine. Jewish tax-collectors, like Joseph the son of Tobias, fattened 
upon their fellow countrymen and made their profession loathsome to the 
Jews. It was a selfish, sordid age, and the helpless Jews of Palestine saw 
only the corrupt and seamy side of Hellenistic civilization. This dreary 
background is reflected in the writings of the original author of Ecclesiastes. 
It also goes far to explain the hopeless pessimism that pervades the sections 
that come from his pen. 

The personality of the author of Ecclesiastes is clearly revealed in his 
writings. He either bore the name or assumed the title Koheleth. The word 
means one who calls together or addresses a popular assembly. Whatever 
be his faults, Koheleth was certainly frank. In his revelations of his inner 
experiences, he rivals the modern realists. It is the frankness of old age, 
which has left behind all the pretenses and ideals of youthful years. His 
description of the failing powers of old age is one of the most brilliant passages 
in the world’s literature and could have been written only by one who was 
witnessing the dissolution of his physical vigor. The peculiar quality of 
bis pessimism is also that of extreme old age. As has been noted, it is not an 
attitude of bitterness, but one of calm hopelessness. It is the philosophy of 
physical weakness. The mere thought of toil and struggle tires him. His 
mind, however, is active, for his book abounds in brilliant epigrams. 

It is evident from 2'-° that he had great wealth and had used it throughout 
his long life chiefly for his personal gratification. He knew, too, by bitter 
experience the limitations of money. He had learned that the satiety of the 
rich does not let him slecp (5). Also that the eye is never satisfied with riches 
(4°). Evidently his selfish policy had won for him no friends. Even his 
domestic life appears to have been a tragedy. On rare occasions |in his varied 
life he had found a true man, but never a faithful woman (728). Sadly he ex- 
claims: I fownd something more bitter than death—a woman whose heart is snares 
and nets and her hands are fetters (77°). Possibly the sequel is a part of his philo- 
sophical autobiography, Whoever pleases God shall escape her; but the sinner 
shall be taken by her, or it may be the sarcastic addition of a later sage. In 
any case, it is probably a true reflection of Koheleth’s experience. 

Koheleth tells without reservation or apology of his selfish pursuit of pleas- 
ure and of his unrestrained self-indulgence, but of one fact he is proud: he 
never lost his head: my wisdom remained with me (2°). Withal it is not an 
admirable character that is here revealed, but it is consistent and a typical 
product of the corrupt, materialistic third century before Christ. 

Ecclesiastes is the most dramatic, as well as the saddest, book in the Bible. 
Koheleth, with one foot in the grave and with his physical energies flickering 
like a burnt-out wick, writes, even though all toil for him is painful, that 
he may pass on to youth the results of his experience, negative though they 
are. ‘There is no doubt about his purpose: he desired to warn man not to 


270 


HISTORY OF THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES 


expect much in life. He believed that he who anticipates nothing has no 
disappointments. Also he had a positive purpose. He had found that cer- 
tain experiences, such as constructive work, yield a passing pleasure. Like- 
wise youth has certain joys that are beyond the grasp of old age. His 
advice, therefore, is to enjoy the valid pleasures that each stage in life offers, 
and not to wait, as many do, until it is forever too late. 

Most of the Old Testament books are shot through with a strongly per- 
sonal element. This lyrical quality is a large part of their charm. Pre- 
eminently is this true of Ecclesiastes. It is a journal intime. Im a series of 
loosely connected essays, Koheleth gives the results of his own personal ob- 
servation and experience. Some of the brilliant proverbs, with which his 
writings are freely interspersed, are of his own coinage; others were evidently 
gleaned from the storehouse of the wise. The style passes easily from prose 
to poetry. These didactic essays culminate in the brilliant poem descriptive 
of youth and old age in 119-128. Ina series of vivid pictures he portrays the 
gradual disintegration of man’s material habitation until at last comes the 
final collapse and the oriental mourners go up and down the street, raising 
their shrill cries of lamentation. 

Koheleth’s thought is cast in Jewish moulds, and yet he breaks away from 
many of the accepted points of view of Judaism. His approach to the prob- 
lems of the universe reveals the Greek atmosphere in which he lived. In cer- 
tain respects he anticipates modern scientific methods. He accepts nothing 
on the basis of authority. He trusts only his own observation and experience. 
He recognizes the fixed order of the universe and the reign of unchanging laws 
(14-41, 31-11, 85-9), But to his aged, wearied eyes, these laws and the tireless, 
unvarying action of natural forces, bring not joy and confidence, but only 
ennui. He does not question God’s existence and infinite power, but he finds 
in the merciless mechanism of nature no evidence of divine love and no op- 
portunity for fellowship and co-operation with him. His religion is even 
colder and more cheerless than that of the modern mechanistic materialist, 
for he believed that God had put ignorance in men’s minds, so that they cannot 
find out from the beginning to the end the work that God zs doing. 

Human life and organized society, as he viewed them, are equally unsatis- 
fying. Men strive and toil instinctively for riches, knowledge, honor, and 
happiness, but in the end all these quests are fruitless. Society, too, is ruled 
by injustice and might, not right, as a rule prevails (87). 

Koheleth’s jaundiced view of life is largely due to his lack of any belief in 
personal immortality. In this, as in other respects, he is a forerunner of those 
staunch conservatives, the Sadducees, who held with their forefathers that 
there was no joyous life or development beyond the grave. For the fate of 
man and of beasts is the same: as the one dies, so the other dies—all go to one 
place; all are from the dust and ail return to dust (3'9 2°). Having no appre- 
ciation of the sacredness or possibilities of human personality, Koheleth deems 
the dead, who know absolutely nothing, happier than those involved in the tur- 
moil of life (42). It was to present a far different and nobler view that the 
apocryphal book entitled, The Wisdom of Solomon, was written. 

Like every constitutional pessimist, Koheleth seems to take a certain grim 


271 


Literary 


Kohe- 
leth’s 
idea of 
God and 
of the 
universe 


No be- 
lief in 
personal 
immor- 
tality 


Things 
worth 
while 


Sources 
of Kohe- 
leth’s 
philoso- 
phy 


The 
later. 
revision 


of Ec- 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


delight in painting life in its darkest colors. Grudgingly he admits, however, 
that it offers certain satisfactions which men should enjoy, as insects do the 
sunshine on a spring day. Nowhere does he recommend dissipation, for in 
the end it destroys rather than adds to a man’s pleasure. Evidently he was 
influenced by the inherited morality as well as the religion of his race. The 
natural pleasures of youth, the joy of work and of married life are what he 
commends, for they have at least a temporary value. Go, eat your food with 
joy and drink your wine with a merry heart, for God hath already approved your 
doing so. Let your garments be always white, and let not your head lack oul. 
Enjoy life with the woman whom you love all the days of the vain life which God 
gives you under the sun, for it is your portion in life and the reward of your toil 
under the sun (97°). 

Earlier-interpreters of Ecclesiastes traced many of its ideas to the influence 
of the Stoic and Epicurean schools of Greek thought. There may have been 
such indirect influences, for Palestine in the third century B.c. was saturated 
with Hellenic culture; but it is evident that Koheleth was more directly in- 
fluenced by the older Babylonian philosophy from which both of these great 
schools drew many of their ideas. The closest parallel to Ecclesiastes is 
found in the old Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, which may be dated about 
2000 B.c. It is addressed to the national hero: 


O Gilgamesh, fill indeed your belly, 

Day and night be joyful, 

Daily ordain gladness, 

Day and night rage and make merry, 

Let your garments be bright, 

Purify your head, bathe with water, 

Desire your children which your hand possesses, 
Enjoy a wife in your bosom, 

Peaceably do your work (cf. Barton, Eccles. 39, 40) 


A philosophy which departed as widely as did that of Koheleth from the 
religion of his race and from the testimony of deeper spiritual experience could 
not stand unchallenged. Ecclesiastes in its present form confirms this conclu- 
sion. Certain earlier interpreters regarded it as the record of an ancient dis- 
cussion regarding the real values in life similar to the debates between the 
rabbis recorded in the Talmud. In a sense this is true; but there is no evi- 
dence that Koheleth ever sat in the presence of his critics. Evidently his 
silver cord was snapped and the golden bowl was broken before they turned 
upon him. Possibly all this was in keeping with the deliberate intention of this 
brilliant cynic. It was inevitable that his pessimistic and, to a large extent, 
false philosophy of life should be attacked from many sides. Fully one- 
fourth of the present book records these attacks. Sometimes it is only a line 
denying pointblank one of Koheleth’s extreme assertions. Sometimes it is 
in the form of elaborate poems describing the value of that wisdom which 
Koheleth rejected as only of secondary value (cf. 7» #, 917-103, 108-15), 


Q72 


HISTORY OF THE BOOK OF ECCLESIASTES 


Certain of these apparently contain very pointed arraignments of Koheleth 
and his pessimistic philosophy: 


The words of the wise spoken quietly 

Are more effective than the loud ery of an arch-fool ! 
Wisdom is better than weapons, 

But one sinner destroys much good. 

A dead fly corrupts the perfumer’s ointment, 

So a little folly destroys precious wisdom (9!7-10!). 


These comments evidently come from later sages. Others were added by 
Pharisaic moralists. They reflect a more orthodox, formal philosophy of 
life: Because the sentence of an evil deed 1s not promptly executed, men are in- 
clined to do wrong. But although a sinner does wrong persistently and goes on 
unpunished, I know that good fortune will come to those who revere God, but not 
to the wicked (8"» 12), 

Even the words, Remember your creator in the days of your youth (12"), give 
an altogether different turn to Koheleth’s original teaching. Ben Sira knew 
the book of Ecclesiastes before it had been revised by the hands of later sages 
and Pharisees (cf. Barton, Eccles. 53-56); but to the contributions of these 
more orthodox critics it doubtless largely owes its place in the Old Testament 
canon. 

The truth and value of these later comments and exhortations are obvious. 
The original sections of Ecclesiastes, however, lay bare the tragedy of a 
human soul. It is an oft-recurring tragedy. It is the tragedy of a life lived 
under the tyranny of materialism and selfishness. It illustrates the fatal 
consequences of the wrong approach to life, to humanity, and to God. 
Koheleth never found life, because he never lost it. He remained to the end 
a once-born man. ‘Therefore, except for his brilliant thinking, he never rose 
above the level of the brute. There is not a grain of altruism in the entire 
book. Lacking altruism himself, he saw only the dark and seamy side of 
human character and life. Like many others, he was abnormally keen in 
detecting his own faults incarnate in others. 

Ecclesiastes enables us to look into the souls of thousands of our fellow men. 
It also gives us a vivid picture of the consequences of giving free rein to 
similar tendencies innate in our own souls. Its value lies in the fact that 
vividly and with absolute frankness it presents the logical, inevitable results 
of cherishing a merely materialistic, selfish philosophy of life. Koheleth 
furnishes an excellent basis for the appreciation of the optimistic teachings of 
Ben Sira and of that deeper philosophy of life lived and proclaimed by the 
great Teacher of Nazareth. 


The 
religious 
value of 
Eccle- 
siastes 


The 
title 


Its place 
in the 
canon 


Date 


IV 
BEN SIRA’S GUIDE-BOOK TO RIGHT LIVING 


Tue longest and in many ways the most interesting of the wisdom books 
comes from the Jewish sage, Ben Sira. It is commonly known as Ecclesias- 
ticus. ‘This name comes from the old Latin Bible and was used by Jerome 
in his Latin version. The title indicates that it was regarded by the early 
church as especially adapted to use for instruction in conduct. Indeed, its 
use in the ecclesia or church gave it this distinctive title. In most Greek 
manuscripts it is designated as, The Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Strach. 'This 
title is probably an expansion of the original Hebrew designation, The Wis- 
dom of Jeshua Ben Sira. 

In the Latin and Greek Bibles Ecclesiasticus enjoyed equal authority with 
the other Old Testament books. It still holds this place in the Roman 
Catholic and Greek churches. In the Anglican church passages from Eccle- 
siasticus are still indicated for public reading. In the canon of the Old 
Testament, agreed upon by the Jews of Palestine about 90 4.p., Ecclesiasticus 
was not included. This exclusion was probably due to the fact that the 
name of the author and his relatively late date were known to those who 
formed the Old Testament canon. Unlike Ecclesiastes and Proverbs, it was 
not by implication or tradition connected with the revered name of Solomon. 
Until the beginning of the last century, in common with the other books of 
the Old Testament apocrypha, it was published in the family editions of the 
English Bible. The exclusion of the apocryphal books from the Protestant 
canon was not due to the action of any authoritative committee or council, 
but to the arbitrary action of the Bible societies. To-day the wisdom of 
their action is being seriously challenged by thoughtful biblical scholars 
throughout the Anglo-Saxon world. 

Ecclesiasticus, or as it is known from its Hebrew title, Ben Sira, is one of 
the few Jewish books that can be dated definitely. In the prologue to the 
Greek version, its translator describes himself as the grandson of Jesus, the 
son of Sirach. He states that he went to Egypt in the thirty-eighth year of 
King Euergetes. From contemporary writers we know that this ruler be- 
came king in 170 B.c., which fixes the date of the translator in 132 B.c. His 
grandfather must, therefore, have lived some time during the early part of 
the second century B.c. In 50! Ben Sira describes in enthusiastic terms the 
activities of the high priest Simon the son of Onias. References in the 
writings of the church historian Eusebius leave little doubt that this Simon 
lived between 200 and 175 s.c. Allusions to the prevalent Greek culture 
and the absence of any references to the Maccabean uprising which began in 


Q74 


BEN SIRA’S GUIDE-BOOK TO RIGHT LIVING 


169 3B.c. confirm the evidence that Ben Sira lived and wrote between 200 
and 175. 

The historical and religious background is very similar to that of Ecclesi- 
astes. References in Ben Sira indicate that the author was familiar with the 
writings of Koheleth. Strong currents of Hellenic and Hebrew thought were 
mingling and reacting in Palestine, as well as in the larger Greek world. 
Attracted by the allurements of Greek culture, many Jews were proving 
faithless to the religion of their fathers. It was a period when it was espe- 
cially difficult to be broad and yet loyal to the ideals of Judaism. Ben Sira 
was one of the few Jewish writers of the age who succeeded. He speaks ap- 
preciatively of banquets and has no words of denunciation for the Greek types 
of philosophy which were current in Jerusalem, as well as in Alexandria. If 
he had lived in Athens or at the centres of Greek culture throughout south- 
western Asia, he would probably, like Paul, have been found at times among 
the eager youth that thronged the lecture rooms of the Greek philosophers. 

In Ben Sira the vague, composite picture of the Jewish sage becomes clear 
and pulsating with life. He is the only Jewish sage of the olden days whose 
name we know. His name and many allusions in his writings indicate that 
he belonged to a well-known Jerusalem family. He was evidently a man of 
influence and probably of wealth. He appreciates the dignity of labor: 


Hate not laborious work 
Neither agriculture that the Most High hath ordained. 


At the same time he speaks rather patronizingly of manual laborers. They 
are important, but far below the scribes in influence and significance: 


These are deft with their hands, 

And each is wise in his handiwork. 

But they are not inquired of in public council, 

And in the assembly they enjoy no patronage (383! 33), 


Ben Sira lived at a period when the Jewish wise men were becoming 
scribes. ‘They still retained the broad interests and points of view of the 
earlier sages. It was not until the beginning of the Christian era that the 
scribes focussed their attention largely upon the questions of the law. In 
391-1 Ben Sira has given a vivid picture of the scribe of his day. Incidentally 
he has probably painted a clear picture of himself. The portrait is well 
worthy of careful consideration: 


He searches out the wisdom of all the ancients, 
And is occupied in prophecies. 

He preserves the discourses of men of renown, 
And enters into the subtleties of parables. 

He seeks out the hidden meaning of proverbs, 
And is familiar with the dark things of parables. 
He serves among great men, 

And appears before a ruler. 

He travels in the land of alien nations, 


275 


The 

histori- 
cal sit- 
uation 


Ben 
Sira 
himself 


His 


training 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


And has tried both good and evil things among men. 
He eagerly turns to the Lord who made him, 

And before the Most High he makes supplication, 
And opens his mouth in prayer, 

And makes supplication for his sin. 

If the Great Lord will, 

He will be filled with the spirit of understanding. 

He himself pours forth words of wisdom, 

And gives thanks to the Lord in prayer. 

He himself directs his counsel and knowledge, 

And in their secrets he meditates. 

He himself sets forth wise instruction, 

And glories in the law of the covenant of the Lord. 
Many praise his understanding, 

Never shall it be blotted out. 

His memorial shall not cease, 

And his name shall live from generation to generation. 


His From chance references in his writings, it is possible to trace in outline Ben 


experi- 


ences. ira’s training and experiences. Possibly in the closing chapter allowance 
must be made for the fond idealization of old age, and yet the passage (511%-1’) 
gives a vivid picture of this ancient teacher: 


When I was yet young, 

Before I travelled abroad, 

I desired and sought out wisdom. 

In my youth I made supplication in prayer; 
And I will seek her out even to the end. 
My foot trod in her footsteps, 

From my youth I learned wisdom. 

I bowed down mine ear a little and received her, 
And much knowledge did I find. 

Her yoke was joyous to me, 

And to my teacher do I offer thanks. 


To use Goethe’s phrase, Ben Sira was trained in the stream of things. He 
listened intently to the teaching of the present, as well as of the past. He 
knew well the value of trained insight and experience. In 34!°-8 he states 


that 


He who has had no experience knows little, 
But he who has travelled multiplies his skill. 
In my travels have I seen much, 

And many things have befallen me; 

Often I was in mortal danger, 

But was saved thanks to these things. 


276 


BEN SIRA’S GUIDE-BOOK TO RIGHT LIVING 


Here we have a character who reminds us in some ways of the energetic, 
cosmopolitan Paul, who especially attracted the young because of his various 
adventures and achievements, as well as through his glowing words and 
warm sympathy. 

Ben Sira also drew much from the earlier teachers of his race. In the 
prologue to his book, he is aptly described by his grandson as “a lover of 
learning.” He freely acknowledges his debt to the earlier teachers of his race: 


I, indeed, came last of all, 

As one who gleans after the grape-gatherers. 
By the blessing of God I made progress, 

And, as a grape-gatherer, filled my winepress. 
Consider that I labored not for myself alone, 
But for all those who seek instruction (33! 1”), 


Ben Sira was pre-eminently a teacher. His voice was undoubtedly heard 
in the public assemblies. In 33!5 he declares: 


Hearken unto me, you great ones of the people, 
And you rulers of the congregation, give ear to me. 


At times he taught privately as well as publicly: 


Hearken, my son, and receive my judgments, 
And refuse not my counsel (6*'). 


Like the famous Greek poetess Sappho, he appears to have been the head 
of a preparatory school. In 51%: *4 he speaks of his house of instruction. 
Like a Greek philosopher, he extends an invitation to youth to become regular 
attendants on his lectures: 


Turn in to me, you who are unlearned, 
And lodge in my house of instruction. 
No longer will you lack all these things, 
And your souls be so sore athirst. 


His exhortations to his pupils reveal the man: 


Hearken to my teachings, though you be but a few, 
And much silver and gold will you acquire thereby. 

Let me delight in my circle of hearers, 

And may you not be ashamed to sing my praise. 

Work your works before the end comes, 

And God will give you your reward in due time (5178-°°), 


These concluding words frankly and clearly reveal the ambitions and aspira- 
tions of this great Jewish teacher. He preferred the intimacy of a few intel- 
ligent and receptive disciples rather than the applause of the unintelligent 
mob. In the appreciation and achievements of his disciples he found his true 
reward. In the light of modern oriental custom, it is easy to picture the scene: 
crosslegged on the floor or on a low divan sits the venerable sage. About him 


277 


Sources 
of his 
wisdom 


Asa 
teacher 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


in a semicircle on the floor are his disciples, intently listening as he pours out 
the result of his study, observation, and experience. The earnest spirit of 
the teacher permeates the ancient classroom. Ample opportunity was 
doubtless given for questions and answers, for Ben Sira’s aim was not merely 
to instruct but to educate his disciples. 

His Ben Sira’s range of interest was wide and even wider than those of the 

range of authors of the book of Proverbs. He touches upon most of the subjects with 
which they deal, and his conclusions are usually in full harmony with theirs. 
He aimed to give instruction upon all the varied problems of life. He was 
greatly interested in the homely, every-day relationships in the family, in 
business, and in the closer contacts between man and man. He even goes 
so far as to lay down the rules of courtesy and to instruct his disciples how 
they should behave at the table and treat their elders. In many respects he 
reminds us of the Chinese sage Confucius; but he was more deeply religious. 
In his teachings religion and ethics are closely blended. In 25" he declares 


The beginning of the fear of the Lord is to love him, 
And the beginning of faith is to cleave to him. 


Out of the depths of his own religious experience he exclaims: 


Strive for the right, even to death, 
And the Lord will fight for you. 


Ben Ben Sira was an exceedingly keen and sympathetic observer of human life. 
Sira’s T : . 30 : 

sense of 1n the Syriac version of 19*° he declares: 

humor 


A man’s attire proclaims his occupation, 
But his gait shows what he is. 


Possibly he drew from his own experience when he declared in 26": 


A silent woman is a gift from the Lord! 


Equally appealing to universal human experience is the proverb (found only 
in the Greek): 


He who sins against his Maker, 
Let him fall into the hands of his physician! 


Evidently Ben Sira had often mingled with the crowds in the market- 
places. The following proverb illustrates the result of his observation (277): 


As a nail sticks fast between the joinings of stones, 
So sin thrusts itself in between buying and selling. 


The Twenty centuries have not materially transformed human nature nor industry. 

thefoo! Like all the sages, Ben Sira has much to say about fools, and he was eager 
to deliver them from their foolishness by making them laugh at their own 
folly: 


Have you heard anything? Let it die with you; 
Be of good courage, it will not burst you! 

A fool travails because of a word, 

Even as a woman travails because of a child. 


278 


BEN SIRA’S GUIDE-BOOK TO RIGHT LIVING 


Possibly wise Ben Sira knew by experience the truth of the following epi- 
gram (2018): 

A slip on the pavement is better than a slip of the tongue, 

Thus the fall of the wicked comes swiftly. 


True, indeed, is his statement (21): 


The heart of fools is in their mouth, 
But the mouth of the wise is in their heart. 


Keen is the irony in the following proverb and yet deserved (22"): 


Mourn for the dead, for his light has failed, 

But mourn for a fool, for understanding has failed him. 
Weep gently for the dead, for he has found rest, 

But the life of a fool is worse than death. 


Ben Sira’s literary work has had a most dramatic history. In the pro- The 
logue to the Greek translation, his grandson tells us that it was written first tapas 
in Hebrew and that he later translated it into the Greek. Until the closing gf Ben 
years of the last century, the original Hebrew version was practically unknown 
to western scholars. Then through the work of Professor Schechter and 
other Jewish scholars who ransacked the Genizah, or refuse heap, in con- 
nection with one of the Cairo synagogues, where soiled or torn manuscripts 
were stored away, Hebrew fragments of the book of Ben Sira were discovered. 

Most of these come from about the eleventh Christian century and are of Style 
differing values. They richly supplement our present Greek texts and give 
us very definite knowledge of Ben Sira’s ability as a Hebrew scholar. Few, 
if any, of the later Jews were masters of such a classical Hebrew style. These 
Hebrew fragments represent fully two-thirds of the original book and are of 
great value in reconstructing the original Hebrew text. 

The book of Ben Sira is almost the only Hebrew classic that has not been Struc- 

seriously revised by later hands. In this respect it is in striking contrast to ‘“® 
Ecclesiastes. Not only the contents but the present order is apparently due 
from beginning to end to Ben Sira himself. The book falls naturally into five 
general divisions. Like the canonical book of Proverbs, the first four are 
introduced by hymns in praise of wisdom. The first collection (11-16%) deals 
with religion and ethics. It is introduced by a discussion of the origin of 
wisdom in 1!-°, The second collection 1s found in 16*4-23°8, It is introduced 
by an essay on wisdom as revealed in the work of creation (16%4-°°), This 
essay is based on Proverbs 8. The second collection deals with the same 
general themes as the first collection. ‘The third section is found in 241-33", 
It begins with a long poem in praise of wisdom (24). The rest of the section 
deals with a variety of practical problems paralleling in part the themes dis- 
cussed in the first two collections. The third collection is found in 3316-433, 
It contains a group of longer essays dealing with such subjects as the treat- 
ment of servants, dreams, and sacrifices. 

The contents and general character of these first four sections suggest that Growth 
they represent successive stages in the teaching activity of Ben Sira. They 


279 


Con- 


clusion 


The 
teach- 
ings re- 
garding 
God 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


correspond to the notes of the ordinary university professor. In some cases 
it is possible to detect the progress in Ben Sira’s thought. The last group, 
with its longer essays, reveals perhaps the maturity of advancing years; while 
the opening sections with their terse, epigrammatic proverbs are suggestive of 
the intenseness and zeal of youth. The fifth section is found in 444-5029. It 
consists of a description of the men in Israel’s history who by their devoted 
services have promoted the cause of religion and morals. 

The conclusion of the book is an appendix (51) beginning with a hymn of 
thanksgiving (51!) and concluding with a poem embodying many of Ben 
Sira’s personal experiences. 

Ben Sira anticipated in many ways the teachings of Jesus of Nazareth 
regarding the character of God. He also spoke out of the depths of his deep, 
personal experience. In nature he found proofs at every turn of the existence, 
not of a cruel tyrant, but of a divine Friend without whose knowledge not even 
a’ sparrow falls to the ground. In one deeply emotional passage he addresses 
God as Lord, Father, and Master of my life. In chapter 3919-2 Ben Sira gives a 
vivid picture of his conception of God and his relation to man: 


The works of all flesh are before him, 

And there is nothing hid from before his eyes. 

From everlasting to everlasting he beholdeth, 
Therefore there is no limit to his power to deliver, 
And there is nothing small nor petty with him, 

There is nothing too wonderful nor too hard for him. 
None may say: “Why is this?” 

For everything is selected for its purpose. 

His blessing overflows like the Nile, 

And he saturates the world like the river of Egypt. 


In the thirty-third verse of the same chapter he exclaims: 


The works of God are all good. 
They supply every need in its season. 


In 4475 he adds: 


Bodily health and strength lift up the heart, 
But better than both is the fear of God. 

In the fear of the Lord there is no want, 

And with him there is no need to seek other help. 


The phrase, fear of Jehovah, here as elsewhere in Jewish literature, represents 
that rare religion of heart and life which the sages sought to inspire in their 
disciples. As with Jesus of Nazareth, Ben Sira’s ethics were grounded in his 
deep religious faith. 


280 


BEN SIRA’S GUIDE-BOOK TO RIGHT LIVING 


In 18!°-!4 there is a remarkable poem describing God’s relation to man. It God's 
is an echo of Psalm 90, but its spirit is far more constructive: haporiee 
As a drop of water from the sea or as a grain of sand, 
So are man’s few years in the eternal day. 
Therefore the Lord is longsuffering toward them. 
And poureth out his mercy upon them. 
He seeeth and knoweth that their end is evil, 
Therefore he doth increase his forgiveness. 
Man shows mercy toward his neighbor, 
But the Lord is merciful toward all mankind, 
Reproving, chastening, and teaching, 
And bringing back as a shepherd his flock. 
He hath mercy upon those who accept discipline, 
And diligently seek to know his judgments. 


Like all the wisdom teachers of his race, Ben Sira stoutly insisted on man’s Man’s 
freedom of will. In his thought God is ready to co-operate, but every manis '°eds™ 


responsible for his own acts. This teaching is clearly presented in 15-1’; 


If you desire you can keep the commandment, 
And it is wisdom to do his good pleasure. 
Poured out before you are fire and water, 
Stretch out your hand to whichever you desire. 
Life and death are before man, 

That which he desires shall be given him. 


In verses 19, 20 he adds: 
The eyes of God behold his works, 


And he knoweth man’s every deed. 
He commandeth no man to sin, 
Nor giveth his strength to men of lies. 


Not only did Ben Sira regard each man as responsible for all his acts, but he 
also believed that man alone could atone for his sins (3°°): 


Water quenches flaming fire, 
So almsgiving atones for sin. 
He who does a favor, it meets him on his way, 


And when he falls, he shall find support. 


The absence of an inspiring hope of personal immortality makes Ben Sira’s His lack 
ee ge : : 5 >. of the 
optimism all the more significant and heroic. The cold immortality of a man’s hope of 
fame, comforted, even though it did not satisfy him. In 41”: * he exclaims: & is per 
sona 
Be in fear for your name, for that abides longer for you see 
Than thousands of precious treasures. 
Life’s goods last for limited days, 


But the reward of a name for days without number. 
281 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


Ben Sira apparently shared the rather indefinite and unsatisfying conception 
of life beyond the grave that is so brilliantly pictured in the third chapter of 
Job, for he declares (22"): 


Weep gently for the dead, 
For he has found rest. 


One of the most original and picturesque poems in the book deals with the 
subject of death (411-4): 


Ah! Death, how bitter is the remembrance of thee 
To him who lives at peace in his family circle, 
To him who is at ease and altogether prosperous, 
And still has strength to enjoy luxury. 


Hail! Death, how welcome is thy decree 

To a luckless man and to him who lacks strength, 
Who stumbles and trips at everything 

Who is broken and has lost hope! 


Fear not death, it is your destiny, 

Remember that generations past and future share it with you. 
This is the portion of all flesh from God, 

How can you reject the decree of the Most High? 

Whether you live a thousand, or a hundred, or ten years, 

In Sheol there are no reproaches regarding life. 


Man’s Ben Sira’s religion was of the sincerest type, since he looked for no future 
attitude rewards. In his present experience he found ample reasons for that deep 
God loyalty toward God which breathes through all his teachings. ‘The second 
chapter of his writings contains in many ways one of the noblest declarations 
of faith found in ancient Jewish literature. It is the same faith that per- 


meates the oldest records of Jesus’ teachings (2!*""): 


My son, when you come to serve the Lord, 
Prepare your soul for temptation. 

Set your heart aright and be stedfast, © 

And be not perturbed in the time of calamity, 
Cleave to him, and do not leave him, 

That you may prove yourself wise in the end. 
Accept whatever comes to you, 

And be patient in sickness and poverty; 

For gold is tested in the fire, 

And acceptable men in the furnace of affliction. 
Put your trust in the Lord, and he will help you, 
Hope in him, and he will make straight your way. 


282 


BEN SIRA’S GUIDE-BOOK TO RIGHT LIVING 


You who fear the Lord, wait for bis mercy, 
And turn not aside, lest you fall. 

You who fear the Lord, trust in him, 

And your reward shall not fail. 

You who fear the Lord, hope for good things, 
And for eternal gladness and deliverance. 


Consider the generations of old and see: 

Whoever trusted the Lord and was put to shame? 
Or who was ever loyal to him and was forsaken? 
Or who ever called on him and was overlooked? 
For the Lord is compassionate and merciful, 

He forgiveth sins and saveth in time of trouble. 


Ben Sira, in his teachings regarding the value of modesty, anticipated two The 


of Jesus’ familiar beatitudes (3!7: 18: 2°); tance of 
My son, when prosperous, walk humbly, Rae 
And you will be loved more than a giver of gifts. er 
Be modest the more you are exalted, respect 


And you will find favor in the sight of God; 
For many are the mercies of God, 
And he reveals his secret to the humble. 


Ben Sira, however, had no more sympathy than Jesus with that Uriah Heep 
type of humility which is as insincere as pride and boasting (429-2); 


Observe the opportunity and beware of evil, 
And be not ashamed of yourself; 

For there is a shame that brings iniquity, 

And another shame, glory and grace. 

Do not be obsequious to your own hurt, 

Do not humiliate yourself to your own injury. 


Honesty, sincerity, and temperance are the personal virtues most stressed Personal 
by Ben Sira. In each case he aimed to deter youth from yielding to their “""™ 
baser, instinctive impulses by pointing out the consequences (67-4): 


Do not become a slave to your passions, 

Lest you consume your strength. 

It will devour your leaf and destroy your fruit, 
And leave you like a dried-up tree; 

For unbridled passion destroys its possessor, 
And makes him the laughing-stock of his enemy. 


Ben Sira strongly emphasizes the importance of always telling the truth 
(73; 20%): 

Never take pleasure in speaking a falsehood, 

For its consequence is not good. 

A foul blot in a man is a lie, 

It is continually in the mouth of the ignorant. 


283 


Man’s 
social 
respon- 
sibilities 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


Unconsciously, Ben Sira was endeavoring to carry the method of modern 
science into the field of morals and conduct and to point out the close rela- 
tion between cause and effect. In 218 he declares: 


He who builds his house with other men’s money, 
Is as one who gathers stones for his sepulchral mound. 


In the third verse of the same chapter he lays down the broad principle: 


Like a two-edged sword is all iniquity, 
From its stroke there is no healing. 


Like the Jewish sages who preceded and followed him, Ben Sira has much 
to say regarding man’s duty to his fellow men. While he had great respect for 
formal religion, he realized that life and conduct were the touchstones of true 
faith. In 4!-!0 he has anticipated the definition of true religion found in the 
Epistle of James: to visit the orphans and widows in their bereavement and to 
keep oneself clean from the evil of the world. In this passage he has given 
vigorous expression to many of the noblest teachings of the earlier prophets: 


My son, mock not the life of the poor, 

And grieve not the eyes of the bitter in spirit. 

Do not cause him who is in want to sigh, 

Nor vex the heart of the oppressed. 

Despise not the supplication of the poor, 

And do not turn away from the broken in spirit. 
Deliver the oppressed from his oppressors, 

And let not your spirit show contempt for a righteous cause. 
Be as a father to the fatherless or to orphans, 

And in the place of a husband to widows; 

Then God will call you his son, 

And be gracious to you and save you from destruction. 


The writings of Ben Sira shed clear light upon the customs and inner life 
of the Jewish people at a period which is otherwise exceedingly obscure. It 
reveals the temptations to which the Jews were exposed through their close 
contact with the debased Hellenistic culture which Alexander introduced into 
southwestern Asia. It gives us the first clear, concrete picture of one of the 
wise men who have given us the wisdom literature of the Old Testament. It 
introduces us to the Jewish sages in the period when they were beginning to 
take up the work of the scribes. It sets forth clearly that nobler spirit in 
Judaism which enabled it to survive the disintegrating influences of the Greek 
and Roman periods. Above all it puts us into vital touch with the sane, 
constructive philosophy of life of one of the noblest teachers of the Jewish 
race. It enables us to look into the very soul of one who, like Jesus of 
Nazareth, was far greater than Solomon. A worthy forerunner of Jesus of 
Nazareth was Jesus, the son of Sirach. 


284 


V 
THE PROBLEM AND THE HISTORY OF THE BOOK OF JOB 


Tue book of Job is the Matterhorn of the Old Testament. Among many 
other lofty peaks it towers in solitary grandeur. Carlyle says of it: It 7s all 
as great as the summer midnight, as the world with its seas and stars! There is 
nothing written, I think, in the Bible or out of it, of equal merit. TI call that, 
apart from all theories about it, one of the grandest things ever written with pen. 
One feels, indeed, as of 2 were not Hebrew; such a noble universality, different 
from noble patriotism or sectarianism, reigns in it. A noble Book; all men’s 
Book. It is our first, oldest statement of the never-ending Problem,—man’s 
destiny, and God’s ways with him here in this earth. 

Like all the Hebrew wisdom writings, the book of Job lacks close literary 
unity. In its present form it contains at least four loosely connected literary 
units. The first is the epic story, with its rhythmic prose style, passing over 
at several points into poetry, which is found in chapters 1, 2, and 427-17, At 
the end of chapter 2 a few verses have evidently been lost, which told of how 
Job maintained his integrity, even though, like his wife, his three friends 
counselled him to curse God and die. Otherwise this story is complete in it- 
self. The real book of Job, however, that has challenged the universal admi- 
ration of all generations, is found in chapters 3-27, 29-31, and 38'-42°, The 
close literary unity of the successive cycles of speeches is broken by the in- 
sertion of chapter 28, which contains a majestic poem describing the futility 
of seeking to attain divine wisdom. While this matchless poem is well 
worthy a place among the great masterpieces of the book of Job, it interrupts 
the logical thought of the lyric drama, and is clearly the work of a later poet. 

The unity of the drama of Job is further broken by the Elihu speeches 
found in chapters 32-37. ‘They are inserted immediately after chapter 31, 
in which Job has appealed directly from men to Jehovah. The immediate 
response to Job’s appeal is found in chapters 88-41. These record Jehovah’s 
appearance in the thunder-cloud and the message which was the divine 
answer to Job’s challenge. Late Aramaic'words and different idioms dis- 
tinguish these chapters from those which precede and follow. These speeches 
of Elihu are in reality but verbose and rather artificial expansions of the argu- 
ments of Eliphaz presented earlier in the poem. Also in the prose epilogue 
(427-17) Job’s other friends are all mentioned by name. The absence of any 
reference to Elihu makes the evidence practically complete that chapters 
32-37 were added by some later poet who was not satisfied with the treat- 
ment of the problem of innocent suffering in the preceding chapters and who 
aimed to present his own convictions in this bold and dramatic way. 


285 


The 
place of 
the book 
in the 
world’s 
litera- 
ture 


Its 
struc- 
ture 


The 
Elihu 
speeches 


The 
origin 
of the 
story of 
Job 


The 
Babylo- 
nian 


Job 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


The prophet Ezekiel in describing the guilt of Jerusalem declared, in the 
days preceding its fall in 586 B.c., that af these three men, Noah, Daniel, and 
Job, were in it, they would by their righteousness save only themselves (Ezek. 
144, 20), From this incidental reference it is clear that long before the 
Babylonian exile Job figured as one of the saints in early Hebrew story. He 
is here associated with Noah, who represented a period long antedating the 
beginnings of Hebrew history. The story was evidently so firmly fixed in the 
popular mind that a detailed description of Job’s piety was unnecessary. The 
character of Job, as portrayed in the epic story of Job 1, 2, and 427’, fully 
justifies Ezekiel’s allusion. 

The present setting of the prose story of Job is the wilderness east of 
Palestine. Its contents implies that it came to the Hebrews through their 
Aramean ancestors. It is not impossible, however, that it goes back to an 
older Babylonian or primitive Semitic original. A strikingly close parallel 
has come down from the ancient cuneiform library of Asshurbanipal. It is 
preserved in a series of tablets entitled, Z Will Praise the Word of Wisdom. 
This title indicates that, like the book of Job, it was classified under the head 
of wisdom literature. ‘The presence of the name Bél instead of Marduk (who 
became the chief god of the empire after the rise of Babylon about 2000 B.c.) 
indicates that, like most of the documents in the library of Asshurbanipal, it 
was a copy of a far older original. Its hero is Tabi-utul-Bél, king of Nippur. 
The first tablet begins with praise of Bél for deliverance from great affliction. 
It then describes in graphic terms the unprecedented affliction that overtook 
the king. Tabi-utul-Bél speaks: 


A king—I have been changed into a slave. 

A madman—my companions became estranged from me. 
In the midst of the assembly they spurned me. 

At the mention of my piety—terror. 

By day—deep sighs; at night—weeping. 

The month—cries; the year—distress. 


The second tablet continues the theme: 


I cried to the god, but he did not show me his countenance; 
I prayed to the goddess, but she did not raise my head. 


The priests also could not help him: 


The like of this had never peen seen; 
Whatsoever I touched, trouble was in pursuit. 


Then, as in Job, follows a long protestation of innocence: 


As though I had not always set aside the portion for the god, 

And had not invoked the goddess at the meal, 

Had not bowed my face and brought my tribute; 

As though I were one in whose mouth supplication and prayer were 
not constant, 


« e * . e e s ° ° ° . e . « 


7 286 


THE PROBLEM OF THE BOOK OF JOB 


As though I were like the one who has pronounced the sacred name 
of his god! 


Prayer was my practice, sacrificing my law. 


Royal prayer—that was my joy. 


His essential innocence is established. The cause of his misfortune is there- 
fore inscrutable. There follows a majestic passage which recalls the ninetieth 
Psalm as well as passages from the book of Job: 


What, however, seems good to oneself, to a god is displeasing; 
What is spurned by oneself finds favor with a god. 

Who is there that can grasp the will of the gods in heaven? 
The plan of a god is full of mystery; who can understand it? 
How can mortals learn the way of a god? 

He who is still alive at evening is dead the next morning, 

In an instant he is cast into grief, of a sudden he is crushed; 
For a moment he sings and plays, 

In a twinkling he wails like a mourner. 


Have they enough, they consider themselves like their God; 

If things go well, they prate of mounting to heaven; 

If they are in distress, they speak of descending into the realm of the 
dead. 


Then the hero describes at length his malady: 


The sickness threw me on the ground and stretched me on my back; 
It bent my high stature like a poplar. 


The house became a prison; 

As fetters for my body, my hands were powerless; 
As pinions for my person, my feet were stretched out. 
My discomfort was painful, the downfall severe. 

A strap of many twists held me fast, 

A sharply-pointed spear pierced me. 

All day the pursuer followed me; 

At night he granted me no respite whatever. 


Unfortunately, at this point the text is missing, but the context implies that 
the king’s humility and petitions touched the heart of Bél, for we have a 
minute description of how the sufferer was restored to health: 


My sins he caused the wind to carry away, 
Mine ears, which had been closed and bolted as a deaf person’s, 
He took away their deafness, he restored my hearing. 


e. e e e e e e e e ° ° ° * 


287 


The 
prose 
story of 
Job 


The 
charac- 
ters in 
the 
popular 
story 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


He made my form like one perfect in strength, 
My entire body he restored. 

He wiped out anger, he freed from his wrath, 
The depressed form he revived. 


The ancient poem closes with a hymn of thanksgiving. 

The resemblances between this Babylonian story and that contained in 
the book of Job are many and obvious. Both may go back to an older 
Semitic original. The problem of why the innocent suffer is evidently as old 
as human history. The oldest Hebrew version of this story is obviously 
that found in chapters 1 and 2 and 427-7 in the book of Job. It has the 
characteristic repetitions and the concrete language of a popular tale. It is 
hyperbolic in all its details. For example, Job has seven sons and three 
daughters, which from the point of view of an oriental is regarded as the ideal 
number. He also has seven thousand sheep and three thousand camels and 
five hundred yoke of oxen and five hundred she-asses. After his vindication 
he is given the same number of sons and daughters and twice as many posses- 
sions as he had at first. The series of calamities, which in rapid succession 
overtake him, are likewise characteristic not of real life but of the melodrama 
in which the action is dependent not upon the actors but upon external events. 
The story, with its bold portrayal of the assembly of the heavenly hierarchy 
and of the divine authority given Satan to test Job, was evidently not told to 
record exact history but to illustrate a great teaching. It clearly reflects 
current folk religion. In its literary classification it belongs, therefore, with 
such stories as the fall of man in the third chapter of Genesis, or with the 
didactic stories in the first six chapters of the book of Daniel. 

Job, the hero of the popular story, is famous not only for his abounding 
prosperity but also for his superlative piety. This piety is of a conventional 
type, and is expressed in formal sacrifices rather than in aggressive acts of 
social service. In this respect he is fundamentally different from the Job 
of the lyric poem, whose oath of clearance (Job 31) contains the noblest 
prophetic and social definition of religion to be found in the Old Testament. 
Also Job of the prose story is a rich, prosperous sheik living in the borderland 
between the Jordan and the Arabian desert. In every respect he lives the 
life of a nomad. In contrast, the Job of the lyric drama is intimately con- 
versant with the social problems and life of a great city. Satan figures only 
in the prose story. He is a regularly accredited member of the divine hier- 
archy. He is the chief prosecuting attorney of earth. His task is to dis- 
cover and to report to Jehovah the sins of all mankind. Experience has 
made him a pessimist regarding human virtue. Piety, he contends, is always 
prompted by self-interest. Satan, as here portrayed, is mercilessly faithful to 
his task. In fact, his only fault is that he is overzealous. He 1s still in- 
trusted by Jehovah with great power. Obviously, the Satan here pictured 
is very different from the devil that figures in the New Testament. He is 
identical with Satan or the Adversary in Zechariah 3, whose zeal in pointing 
out the sins of the Jewish people is condemned by Jehovah. 

It is significant that the earliest references elsewhere in the Old Testament 


288 


THE PROBLEM OF THE BOOK OF JOB 


to Satan are found in Zechariah 3 and I Chronicles 21!, both of them post- 
exilic writings. There is a distant likeness between the character of Satan 
in the prologue of Job and the Persian Ahriman, who was believed to be the 
head of the hierarchy of evil. The resemblance, however, is not close, and the 
points of difference are equally striking. Satan is more like the lying spirit 
who, in the story told by the prophet Micaiah and recorded in I Kings 22, was 
sent by Jehovah to deceive the false prophets and who by his deceptive 
message lured Ahab on to his ruin. 

In this prose story there is no suggestion of acquaintance with the law of 
Deuteronomy which made legal only one central sanctuary (cf. 1° and 428). 
The Chaldeans are spoken of as mere Arab marauders, and not as the con- 
querors who in 586 B.c. captured Jerusalem and left it a barren waste. The 
indications, therefore, all suggest that this popular tale was current among 
the Hebrews long before the days of Ezekiel. It was probably committed to 
writing during the early part of the Babylonian exile. Then its promises of 
material restoration, if the nation would but faithfully endure the tests to 
which it was being subjected at the hands of the Assyrians and Babylonians, 
would have brought comfort to the minds of the troubled Jews. The allu- 
sions in Ezekiel 141: 2°, which come from the earlier part of the Babylonian 
exile, to a well-known hero, Job, whose character closely corresponds to that 
of the Job of the prose story, indicate that this popular tale was familiar to 
the Jewish exiles. 

The question raised by Satan, Does Job serve God for naught? is the key- 
note in this ancient tale. Is the piety of man prompted by selfish motives, 
or by disinterested devotion? Will it endure the test of misfortune? These 
questions, perennially vital, are here dramatically presented. The story 
also suggests one of the many solutions of the eternal problem of the suffering 
of the righteous which are massed in the book of Job. It assumes that virtue 
can only be attested by trial. Suffering, therefore, is necessary, if the quality 
of man’s piety is to be proved. The application of this explanation to the 
problem of the faithful Jews during the Babylonian exile is obvious: they 
were simply being tested. The conclusion seemed equally clear: if they en- 
dured the test, their former prosperity would be restored. ‘The only flaw in 
the theory was that as a matter of fact their misfortunes but increased, and 
no vindication came to them. A more fundamental explanation of the prob- 
lem of innocent suffering was required. 

The real drama of Job begins with the third chapter. Here a great wisdom 
poet begins to grapple with the stupendous problem. The action depends not 
upon external circumstance, but upon the development within the mind of 
Job and his friends. The author of this poem uses the framework of the 
popular story, but creates a new Job and a new plot. The unique explana- 
tion of Job’s suffering given in chapters 1 and 2 is completely ignored. Like- 
wise the problem, Does Job serve for naught? ‘The friends, instead of being 
condemned by Jehovah, as they are in 42’, figure as the protagonists of the 
current orthodoxy. In a series of formal dialogues the problem is defined in 
detail, and the various current solutions presented. In these dialogues, some- 
times the didactic and sometimes the lyric note is dominant. In his long 


289 


Satan in 
Jewis 
litera- 
ture 


Date of 
the 
prose 
story 


The 
aims 
and 
teach- 
ings of 
this 
story 


The 
lyric 
drama 


of Job 


The 
author 
of the 
lyric 
drama 


His aims 


Prob- 
lems 
in the 
lyric 
drama 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


speeches, Job, instead of being a paragon of forbearance, as in the prose story, 
pours out the bitterness of his soul and charges God with injustice in no 
measured terms. Then, with marvellous psychological skill, the author 
gradually introduces those elements of hope and higher idealism in the mind 
of Job which lead up to the final dénowement. The action and progress are 
wholly subjective. The term lyric drama, therefore, is the most exact 
western definition which can be found for this supreme product of Semitic art. 

The author of this lyric drama is evidently a man of broad culture and ex- 
perience. He is democratic in his outlook on life. He is inspired with the 
noblest humanitarian motives. He is familiar with both the social problems 
of a great city and the life of the wilderness which extends to the east and 
south of Palestine. Evidently he himself had travelled with one of the many 
caravans which penetrated its wastes. Many of his figures reveal such an 
intimate familiarity with the peculiar life of the Nile valley that there is little 
doubt that he himself had visited this land of mystery. He was a keen ob- 
server and lover of nature. He was acquainted with the changing phases of 
the seasons, appreciative of the stately movement of the stars, and familiar 
with the habits of animals and birds. Above all, he was a philosopher who 
had pondered deeply on the profoundest problems of human life. He had 
experienced the doubts of youth, and those darker questionings which 
threatened the very faith of his race and age. Amidst intense stress and 
struggle he had battled his way through the mazes of the current orthodoxy 
to a higher conception of God, and more than that, to a personal acquaintance 
with him. 

The aims of the author are clearly revealed. His first endeavor was to 
prove the insufficiency and the cruel injustice of the old dogma that prosperity 
was always the reward of right-doing, and conversely, that calamity was a 
certain evidence that its victim had sinned. He also aimed to portray the 
struggles and the inevitable psychological reactions of a noble soul confronted 
by the darker realities of human life and of the universe. He set out to show 
the utter inadequacy of the current belief which conceived of the life beyond 
the grave as one of passive, passionless existence in a gloomy region to which 
not a single ray of divine goodness and love penetrated. He aimed instead to 
make clear that, if not in this world, at least in the life beyond the grave the 
injustice of this present existence would be righted and the innocent sufferer 
vindicated. He sought in this mighty drama to set forth his own deep con- 
victions that the God whose providences seemed from certain angles to be 
unjust was after all man’s final refuge, and that instinctively and rightly man 
turns to him as the fountain of all justice. Above all he endeavored to teach 
in concrete terms the supreme truth that man’s personal experience of God 
and the humility and trust which that experience begets are the only satis- 
factory solvents of the otherwise insoluble problem of why the righteous 
suffer. 

This lyric drama deals with Israel’s mature problems. The childhood 
faith of the race lies far behind it. Its background is the complex life of a 
highly developed civilization. This background is not concealed by the 
archaic coloring and the nomadic setting. In this drama Hebrew wisdom 


290 


THE PROBLEM OF THE BOOK OF JOB 


thought approaches nearest to Greek drama and philosophy. Job’s dialogues 
with his friends recall the memorable discussions that during the same age 
were being carried on in the schools of ancient Hellas. Job has much in 
common with Prometheus, the hero of A’schylus’s great drama. The fact that 
the author of Job in his opening chapter (3) evidently had in mind the classic 
passage in Jeremiah 20 ©, in which the martyr prophet curses the day in 
which he was born, indicates that the poem is at least exilic or post-exilic. 
Even more significant is the author’s bold parody (Job 71”) of Psalm 8%, 
which was probably not written earlier than the first half of the Persian 
period. The drama of Job reflects the strongly sceptical note which first 
found expression in Malachi 2!’ 


You have wearied Jehovah with your words. 
Yet you say, ““How have we wearied him?” 
In that you say, ““Everyone that does evil 
Is good in the sight of Jehovah, 

And he delights in them; 

Or where is the God of justice ?”’ 


Or in Malachi 314) ©: 


You have said, “It is useless to serve God, 

And what gain is it to us to have kept his charge, 
And that we have walked in funeral garb before him? 
Even now we call the proud happy, 

Yea, those who work iniquity thrive, 

Yea, they tempt God and escape.” 


‘The prophet, who probably lived shortly before the appearance of Nehe- 
miah in 444 B.c., assures us that those who feared Jehovah spoke these words 
one to another. ‘The reference in Job 161’ possibly implies that the author of 
the drama was acquainted with Isaiah 53°. In any case, the cumulative evi- 
dence points to a date not earlier than the middle of the Persian period, and 
possibly as late as the earlier part of the Greek period. The writings of 
II Isaiah, however, and the great psalms of suffering found in the Psalter in- 
dicate that the problem of the suffering of the innocent in Jewish history 
became most acute in the discouraging, dreary years immediately preceding 
the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem under the leadership of Nehemiah. 
A date about 450 B.c. well satisfies the implications of this great lyric drama. 

The drama opens with an impassioned speech on the lips of Job in which 
he curses the day of his birth (3). The author’s aim is to reveal the in- 
tensity of Job’s anguish, and at the same time to make clear the limitations 
placed upon him by the acceptance of the current belief regarding the life 
after death. The literary structure of the drama is apparently determined 
by the methods employed by the ancient Jewish teachers. It recalls the 
later discussions between the schools of Shammai and Hillel recorded in the 
Talmud. The current interpretations of the problem of suffering and the 
divine rulership of the world are presented by Job’s three friends, the famous 
sages of his day. Job, stung by their at first implied and later openly ex- 


291 


Date 


The 
literary 
struc- 
ture of 
the 
drama 


The 


charac- 


ter of 
Job’s 
friends 


Bildad 


Zophar 


Their 
role 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


pressed doubts regarding his integrity, assails the very dogmas which he had 
hitherto held, and battles his way through to a larger concept of the universe 
and of God. In three cycles of speeches these rival positions are presented 
with a fulness and vigor that reveal the marvelious breadth and the scientific 
spirit of the author (4-27). In the end the friends are silenced, and Job, after 
a masterly résumé, rests his case with God (29-31). Then out of the thunder- 
storm Jehovah answers Job, not replying to his wild arraignment of divine 
justice, but revealing to him in a series of powerful pictures and impressive 
questions the omniscience and wisdom and love that rule the universe (88- 
40? 6-14), The elaborate descriptions of behemoth (probably the hippopota- 
mus) and leviathan (probably the crocodile) in 40%—41* are clearly later ad- 
ditions to the original drama. In conclusion Job declares in a speech, the 
brevity of which is in striking contrast to his earlier impassioned invective, 
that he has spoken of that which he knew not (40-, 42? §. 4,5). Humbly but 
joyfully he asserts: 


I have heard of thee by the hearing of the ear, 
But now mine eye sees thee. 


Each of Job’s friends possessed certain well-defined characteristics. Each 
emphasized distinct elements in the character of Jehovah. Eliphaz, the 
oldest, naturally speaks first. His is the mellow ripeness of old age. He is 
courtly, tactful, and considerate. Of the three friends, he is distinctly the 
prophet and philosopher. In many ways he represents Job’s old self. His 
thought is also tinctured by a certain mystical element which adds to his 
attractiveness. He presents the highest conception of God then known. He 
conceives of him as a benign ruler personally interested in the development of 
his human children. But Eliphaz is more of a philosopher and theologian 
than a lover of his fellows. He holds tenaciously to the current dogma that 
calamity is always the result of man’s sin. Unfortunately for Job, Eliphaz 
is far more intent upon defending his favorite theological doctrines than he is 
upon relieving his friend’s heartbreak. 

Bildad, on the other hand, is a typical traditionalist. He can think only in 
terms of the past. His outlook is entirely backward rather than forward. 
The only testimony which he regards as valid is that of the ancients. He 
feels that his especial task is to defend the rightness of Jehovah’s rule of the 
universe. When Job dares question the justice of that rule, Bildad, in his 
zeal to defend the orthodox God, ignores completely his duty of sympathizing 
with his tortured friend. 

Zophar is the dogmatist. By bluster and loud speaking he sought to con- 
vict Job of sin and to establish his thesis that divine wisdom is inscrutable, 
and therefore that the one task of man is to submit. 

The réle of Job’s friends is twofold: first, dramatically, to complete the 
cycle of Job’s woes, for they deprive him of their friendship and strip him of 
his reputation; secondly, to present strongly and in detail the current inter- 
pretations of the suffering of the innocent that their inadequacy and failure 
to solve the problem, so dramatically presented by Job’s fate, might be made 
clearly apparent. Well do the friends play their double rdle. 


292 


THE PROBLEM OF THE BOOK OF JOB 


At first Job expectantly looks to his friends for comfort and support. When 
he finds that they are more loyal to their theories than they are to him, and 
that they do not hesitate to apply even to his own case the grim old doctrine 
of proportionate rewards, the discovery perturbs him more than any of the 
calamities which have hitherto overtaken him. He can scarcely believe the 
testimony of his ears as he hears them tear to shreds his reputation, which he 
regarded as more firmly established than the everlasting hills. He hastens 
in his reply to Eliphaz to explain the reasons why in his desperation he had 
spoken rashly. Then, when he sees the stony, suspicious faces of his friends, 
he is overwhelmed by their injustice and by the feeling of utter loneliness. 
Like desert brooks, they had failed him in his hour of sorest need. For the 
moment he is carried off his feet and is overwhelmed with the thought that 
possibly he has sinned. If so, why does God, instead of showing mercy, pur- 
sue him like a relentless tyrant? 

Bildad’s speech only drives the arrows of the Almighty deeper into Job’s 
quivering heart. In his desperation he turns upon God and boldly questions 
the justice of the seemingly irresponsible tyrant who has brought all these 
calamities upon him, and yet gives him no opportunity to defend himself 
either before a human or a divine tribunal. Henceforth the ultimate prob- 
lem in the mind of Job is whether justice or injustice rules the universe. God, 
not Job, is on trial. Subjected to this searching test, the God of his earlier 
years, the God of his friends, the Superman whom he believed meted out 
proportionate rewards, suddenly becomes a mere oriental tyrant, as capricious 
and unjust as the irresponsible potentates who lorded it over the vast Persian 
empire. 

These intemperate words stirred Zophar’s rage, so that he openly charges 
Job with guilt. Stung to the quick, Job turns upon his friends with bitter 
invective. He even accuses them of misrepresentation in their presumptuous 
attempt to defend the God of their narrow faith. Involuntarily he turns 
from the orthodox God of his friends, and appeals to him before whom no 
godless man would come. Across his tortured mind there flashes for the mo- 
ment the hope that possibly that God of justice will yet bring him back from 
Sheol and restore to him those joys of life of which he has been so ruthlessly 
robbed. The dark clouds quickly close in upon him, but having had this 
radiant vision, Job cannot forget it. The progress, therefore, in this first 
cycle of speeches is not straight ahead, but more like the zigzag path of the 
lightning stroke. He has seen clearly the insufficiency of the current con- 
ventional theology. Already not his reason but his faith begins to reach out 
involuntarily toward a God who is just and the friend of the afflicted. With 
this larger faith comes the fluctuating but ever-growing hope that even be- 
yond the grave both he and God will yet be vindicated. 

Henceforth Job and his friends move in opposite directions. As their con- 
viction that he is guilty grows, his consciousness of his essential innocence 
deepens. In time he ignores them altogether, and turns in eager expectancy 
to the God of justice in whom he firmly believes. At the same time with his 
lips he unsparingly and often bitterly arraigns the justice of the God of ap- 
pearances. In 197?” the earlier fleeting hope that after death his mnocence 


293 


The 


eae 


° 
thought 
in the 
first 
cycle of 
speeches 


The 
seeming 
injustice 
of God 


The 
appea 
to God 


The 
progress 
in the 
second 
and 
third 
cycle of 
speeches 


0 
Jehovah 


HISTORY OF THE WISDOM WRITINGS 


would yet be vindicated suddenly becomes a definite conviction. In words 
that have become immortal he declares: 


I know that my Deliverer liveth, 

And at last he will stand up on the earth; 
And after this my skin is destroyed 

Then I shall behold God. 


Thus with marvellous skill the author of the drama of Job has revealed the 
birth-pangs of the belief in a personal immortality. In the remainder of the 
drama, however, he threshes out the problem entirely in the arena of man’s 
earthly existence. His great message was evidently for those in the thick of 
the struggle then raging. He was seeking to give them a faith by which to 
live as well as die. The charges of Job’s friends grow shorter, until finally 
they are silenced. In each successive speech Job appeals with greater assur- 
ance from the God who seems to disregard man’s fate to the God of justice 
and love whom he feels must exist somewhere in the universe. Job, having 
established his own positive goodness,‘as well as his innocence, in keeping with 
the loftiest social and moral standards of the prophets and sages (29-31), 
leaves his case with his divine Judge and Vindicator. 

Job, in his quest for a larger, truer conception of God and his rule, was 
handicapped by the primitive belief that God was the immediate cause or 
agent in every event or experience that came to man. His generation had - 
not yet discovered the eternal laws that rule the universe. And yet in the 
majestic speech of Jehovah, the poet, with marvellous intuition and skill, 
opens Job’s mind to an appreciation of these laws. Typical illustrations of 
the workings of what we to-day call the laws of nature are marshalled before 
Job in quick succession. Thus a broader basis is provided for that faith in 
divine justice and goodness which Job could not banish from his inner con- 
sciousness, even in his hour of deepest woe. More comforting still, the in- 
finite, omniscient God had condescended to speak directly to the heart of his 
afflicted servant. No longer does he know him simply by others’ testimony: 


But now mine own eye sees thee. 


A mysterious personal experience of God suddenly swept away all Job’s 
anguish and doubts; at last he was at peace, for he had found his divine Friend. 
In the teaching of the Jewish sages personal religious experience was not only 
the beginning of wisdom but also its climax. 


294 


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